Lodi Gyari, one of the Dalai Lama’s special envoys sent to Shenzhen, has issued the statement below in reference to the recent talks in Shenzhen. Most of the statement is a reiteration of the exile government’s negotiating position, which few Chinese find acceptable in full. The idea that those directly involved in murder, vandalism, and assault on 3/14 can be released is ridiculous.

Beyond repeating its position, the suggestion of shared common ground and the positive ending is most interesting:

Despite major differences on important issues both sides demonstrated a willingness to seek common approaches in addressing the issues at hand. In this regard, each side made some concrete proposals, which can be part of the future agenda. As a result an understanding was reached to continue the formal round of discussions. A date for the seventh round will be finalised soon after mutual consultations.

We welcome the recent statement of President Hu Jintao that his government is “serious” about the dialogue and his acknowledging that His Holiness the Dalai Lama is being “conscientious and serious”.

Statement in full after the jump.

Lodi Gyari’s Statement on the Recent Talks

Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen and I had the honour of briefing His Holiness the Dalai Lama immediately after our arrival yesterday from China. Kalon Tripa, Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche, joined us in the briefing. We also briefed the Deputy Speaker, Mrs. Dolma Gyari, this morning. The Speaker, Mr. Karma Choephel, is currently on an official visit.

On 4 May 2008 in Shenzhen, China, we met with Executive Vice Minister Zhu Weiqun and Vice Minister Sithar of the United Front Work Department of the Chinese Communist Party. We would like to express our appreciation to the hosts for accepting our suggestion to hold this informal meeting in Shenzhen as well as agreeing to a meeting of principals without aides. Executive Vice Minister Zhu Weiqun and Vice Minister Sithar were our counterparts for the last several years. This long relationship made it possible to have open and frank discussions in a friendly and respectful atmosphere, despite the prevailing tense and grave situation in Tibet.

Our main purpose of seeking this urgent informal meeting was to discuss the critical situation in Tibet. There were strong and divergent views on the nature as well as the causes of the recent tragic events in Tibet. These views were expressed in a frank and candid manner. On our part we rejected categorically the accusation made against His Holiness the Dalai Lama of instigating the demonstrations and unrest in Tibet. Instead we made it clear that the events in Tibet are the inescapable consequences of wrong policies of the authorities towards the Tibetans, which goes back several decades. The recent crisis in Tibet is a clear symptom of deeply felt grievances and resentment of the Tibetans with these policies. The task at hand is to address the legitimate concerns of the Tibetan people in a realistic and constructive way.

We have stressed the importance of ending the current repression throughout Tibet. We have called for the release of prisoners, to allow those injured to be given proper medical treatment and give unfettered access to visitors, including the media. We have also called for an end to the “patriotic re-education” campaign which is deeply resented by the Tibetan people.

We also rejected the accusation that His Holiness the Dalai Lama is sabotaging the Olympic Games 2008. On the contrary, we made it clear that His Holiness the Dalai Lama has consistently and unambiguously supported the Beijing Olympic Games right from the beginning.

Despite major differences on important issues both sides demonstrated a willingness to seek common approaches in addressing the issues at hand. In this regard, each side made some concrete proposals, which can be part of the future agenda. As a result an understanding was reached to continue the formal round of discussions. A date for the seventh round will be finalised soon after mutual consultations.

We welcome the recent statement of President Hu Jintao that his government is “serious” about the dialogue and his acknowledging that His Holiness the Dalai Lama is being “conscientious and serious”. This statement is encouraging at a time when there is growing skepticism about China’s sincerity in resolving the Tibet issue through dialogue.

08 May 2008
Dharamsala

The government in exile repeats: “we made it clear that the events in Tibet are the inescapable consequences of wrong policies of the authorities towards the Tibetans, which goes back several decades.”

I have no problems with the assertion that the Chinese government has made mistakes over the decades; this is clearly the case. But will the Dalai Lama also accept responsibility for interlinking a political campaign with his religious theocracy? The purpose of this question isn’t in assessing guilt, but rather to emphasize that as President Hu Jintao has said, the fundamental question in Tibet is one of separatism, not of religion or ethnicity.

The Tibet independence movement in Dharamasala existed before the Communist party began social reforms in Tibetan regions; many of these Tibetans were fighting for independence even as the Dalai Lama was joining the Beijing government, and proclaiming himself a passionate supporter of Mao Zedong. The Dalai Lama fled into exile nearly a decade before the Cultural Revolution began. The Tibet independence movement isn’t just a reaction to “wrong” policies from Beijing; it’s a movement that has always existed, and will continue to exist even in the face of “right” policies from Beijing.

It’s time for reforms in Tibet. But the Chinese government should not waver in fighting the political campaign against Tibetan independence.

And even as the special envoy pledges support for the Olympics, we have statements such as these:

“During these times when the situation in Tibet is very grave and grim we felt it is very provocative to take the Olympic torch to the Tibetan side of the mountain,” said Thubten Samphel, secretary of the exiled government’s information department in the Indian hill town of Dharamsala.

If the Dalai Lama and supporters proclaim to only desire autonomy, then the “Tibetan side of the mountain” is the “Chinese side of the mountain”. They’re playing both sides, which is precisely why many Chinese continue to view their agenda with great skepticism.

ADDED: One surprising note from the Economist.  It suggests that the Dalai Lama is willing to give up his previous firm demand for autonomy for “Greater Tibet” (consisting of Tibetans outside of the autonomous region).  We will have to watch closely to see if he holds true to his word on that issue.