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	<title>Fool&#039;s Mountain: Blogging for China</title>
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	<description>A wise one knows moving mountains is beyond human power, but a fool has other thoughts...</description>
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		<title>Legitimacy, Democracy and Chinese Government</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/08/27/legitimacy-democracy-and-chinese-government/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/08/27/legitimacy-democracy-and-chinese-government/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 27 Aug 2010 10:33:18 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>whooper</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[General]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7696</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In order to understand any system of government, we need to understand the extent to which government aligns itself with the common good. For example, Fredrick the Great, King of Prussia 1740 to 1786, was an example of a famously benevolent and progressive despot who transformed his country from a relative backwater into an intellectual and military superpower. ]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />In order to understand any system of government, we need to understand the extent to which government aligns itself with the common good. For example, Fredrick the Great, King of Prussia 1740 to 1786, was an example of a famously benevolent and progressive despot who transformed his country from a relative backwater into an intellectual and military superpower. An interesting question is what mechanisms, if any, protected the Prussians against selfish / incompetent Kings? The answer is brutal, in 18th Century Europe incompetent regimes tended to be annihilated by their neighbours, because in the long run the common good, the flourishing of society, brings economic success and military power. For example, the Ottoman Empire eventually disappeared because its failure to embrace Prussia’s progressive values left it weaker than its European neighbours.</p>
	<p>Today Political Scientists talk about the concept of “government legitimacy”. Defining legitimacy is actually quite difficult, but some of the ideas we tend to associate with it include benevolence, competence and popular support.<br />
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In fact, the 20th Century American political sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset offers by far the most compelling definition of legitimacy:</p>
	<p><strong>A government is legitimate if and only if it is generally believed that the government performs at least as well or better than that all conceivable alternatives. Performance here means proven increases in the public good, especially economic growth. </strong> </p>
	<p>Notice that the principles of both competence and consent are integral to this definition.</p>
	<p><strong>Lipset also describes this notion of legitimacy as the key source of a government’s stability. As a result, the key to a government’s persistence is either the want of a better alternative, or its ability to generate &#8220;performance legitimacy&#8221;. </strong></p>
	<p>Today Lipset’s theory of legitimacy is not just widely admired, it has achieved essentially axiomatic status.</p>
	<p>How does democracy relate to Lipset legitimacy? If it is generally believed that voter choice guarantees optimal policy, then democracy achieves a sort of automatic “democratic legitimacy”. However, generally political scientists, including Lipset, do not believe this to be the case. Instead, the persistence of democracy is still believed to revolve around its ability to generate performance legitimacy.</p>
	<p>Until very recently, political scientists generally believed that Western Democracy was economically outperforming all other models of government, demonstrating superior performance legitimacy. If this was ever proven widely incorrect, the decline of Western democracy follows axiomatically. For example: Robert Kagan, foreign-policy analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, has said: “We lived under the illusion that economic success required political liberalisation. All the [democratic] optimism of the 1990s rested on this assumption. Now it appears that the causality is less certain&#8230; The old struggle, the one that long predated the Cold War, has returned.”</p>
	<p>Readers will probably ask themselves “Is democracy really on such shaky grounds? Is ‘performance legitimacy’ really the only factor? Surely there must be more to it, what about morality?” This is where political science and liberal politics diverge; Lipset’s theory does not make moral assumptions and is very focused on economic growth. Even Francis Fukuyama’s rather populist essay “The End Of History” revolved around the economic out performance of democracy, if you reverse that assumption you reverse the argument. Fukuyama did speculate that mankind&#8217;s evolution toward democracy on material grounds has accompanied his evolution toward democracy on philosophical grounds. In other words, democracy is the endpoint of mankind&#8217;s search for material progress just as it is the endpoint of mankind&#8217;s search for justice and virtue. There is something intuitively appealing about this argument, were democracy not to be the ideal system on material grounds, perhaps we would also find it not to be the ideal system on philosophical grounds.</p>
	<p>Now that we have equipped ourselves with the concept of legitimacy, we can analyze the Chinese model of government. In fact the Chinese government essentially targets Lipset legitimacy directly. Instead of democracy, China employs policy experts, today generally scientists and engineers, who optimize policy in order to maximize Lipsettian goals such as economic growth. Although realized increases in living standards are the most important factor in Lipset legitimacy, radical unfamiliar policy changes can jeopardize public confidence in government. In order to maintain Lipset legitimacy, Chinese officials are not allowed to circumvent public support by relying on terror, which is egregious &#8220;despotic power&#8221;, such as that employed by Joseph Stalin. So Chinese officials must maintain public confidence, they must convince the people that they are delivering and will continue to deliver, that the government is working effectively in the people&#8217;s interest. For example: Officials are not allowed to suspend the need for broad public support in the hope that they will regain it at a later date when the wisdom of their radical new policy initiative manifests in greater social utility. One of the ways to overcome this limitation is to experiment with radical policy in a limited geographical area, avoiding endangering broad support, but giving officials a chance to publicly demonstrate the advantages of the policy, allowing them to subsequently extend it without protest.</p>
	<p>Improving living standards are the results the Chinese people are looking for, the results by which they primarily judge the legitimacy of their government. Chinese technocrats translate this into a basket of numerical indices which include, for example, a growth index, a green index, a poverty index (further reading: Glasshouse Forum, China Model). The goal of policy makers then becomes the optimization of this basket. Behind the calculation and optimization of policy are vast numbers of academics, economists and statisticians. Chinese technocrats regularly experiment with new policy ideas at the provincial level, and if successful introduce them nationwide. Massive localised infrastructure investments have leveraged the type of economy of scale economics which Paul Krugman won a Nobel Prize describing. Whereas governments in most advanced democracies spend less than eight percent of government revenue on capital investment, this figure is close to fifty percent in China. The creation and incredible expansion of a highly competitive science and engineering focused educational system has also greatly contributed to the economic revolution. Many senior Chinese officials, including President Hu Jintao, have engineering degrees and industry backgrounds. In principle, opinion polls can be used to estimate the utility functions of the populace, allowing scientists to construct the best basket of statistics. Policy making looses all ideological colour, it becomes a purely pragmatic scientific process, a vast economic optimization problem driven by statistics and experimentation.</p>
	<p>In summary, at the heart of Chinese Government we have a committee of expert scientists / engineers / economists running policy designed to maximize performance legitimacy constrained by the necessity of maintaining popular support. In the last thirty years these experts have delivered an average annualized GDP growth rate of over 10%, even the Japanese post war economic miracle only managed 8½%. It is an unparalleled achievement, and just as Lipset predicts, Chinese government is consequently hugely popular with the Chinese masses and politically stable.</p>
	<p>Further Reading: <a href="http://www.theoligarch.com/scientific_development_concept_china_political_philosphy.htm">http://www.theoligarch.com/scientific_development_concept_china_political_philosphy.htm</a>
</p>
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		<title>Democracy need reform &#8211; Australia, China and USA: A Tale of 3 Natural Disasters</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/08/03/democracy-need-reform-australia-china-and-usa-a-tale-of-3-natural-disasters/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/08/03/democracy-need-reform-australia-china-and-usa-a-tale-of-3-natural-disasters/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 03 Aug 2010 12:08:11 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><a href="http://www.outcastjournalist.com" rel="nofollow">Chua Wei Ling</a></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[australia]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Democracy Needs Reform]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[USA]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7430</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	This month mark the 5th anniversary of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, USA (29 August 2005), This remind me the 2nd anniversary of the Earthquake in Sichuan, China (12 May 2008) three month ago and the 1st anniversary of the Black Saturday (Bush fire) in Victoria, earlier this year in Australia (7 February 2009). 
	The [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />This month mark the 5th anniversary of Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans, USA (29 August 2005), This remind me the 2nd anniversary of the Earthquake in Sichuan, China (12 May 2008) three month ago and the 1st anniversary of the Black Saturday (Bush fire) in Victoria, earlier this year in Australia (7 February 2009). </p>
	<p>The similarity of these 3 events is that they are natural disasters with many deaths and many more left homeless. However, for those who lost their home in such a large scale natural disasters, which government do you think do more and care more for their citizens in need? The so-called “autocratic” regime in Beijing, China or the so-called “democratic” and “human right” governments in USA and Australia?<br />
<span id="more-7430"></span><br />
The scale of damage to property and the human cost in the 3 natural disasters: </p>
	<p>- Australia: Black Saturday (Bush fire) in Victoria 2009: </p>
	<p>The fires killed 173 people, injured 414 with 7,562 people displaced. The list of damage to property are as follows: </p>
	<p>· 450,000 ha (1,100,000 acres) burnt</p>
	<p>· Over 3,500 structures destroyed, including 2,029+ houses, 59 commercial properties (shops, pubs, service stations, golf clubs, etc), 12 community buildings (including 2 police stations, 3 schools, 3 churches, 1 fire station), 399 machinery sheds, 729 other farm buildings, 363 hay sheds, 19 dairies, 26 woolsheds.</p>
	<p>To learn more: Wikipedia. </p>
	<p>-  USA: Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans 2005 </p>
	<p>The flood killed 1,464 people, and an approximately 200,000 people were evacuated from the Gulf Coast Region to Texas, Florida, Georgia and Washington, D.C. Of the more than 400,000 residents who lived in New Orleans prior to Katrina, approximately 350,000 lived in areas that were damaged by the storm. </p>
	<p>Again, please click on Wikipedia, and  Amnesty International to learn more. </p>
	<p>- China: Sichuan earthquake in 2008: </p>
	<p>Approximately 15 million people lived in the quake affected area.  More than 90,000 people in total were dead or missing in the earthquake and 374,176 injured. The quake left at least 5 million people without housing. The area affected by earthquakes exceeding liedu VI totals 440,442 km2, occupying an oval 936 km long and 596 km wide, spanning three provinces and one autonomous region. </p>
	<p>Again, to learn more, click on Wikipedia.  </p>
	<p>Which governments do you think do more and care more for their citizens in need? </p>
	<p>- Australia government </p>
	<p>Out of the above three named natural disasters, Australia suffered the least in term of the scale and human cost of the disaster. Besides damages to a total of 3,500 structures including 2,029 + houses, the basic infrastructure such as road and other transport system were fully in tact. However, at the first anniversary of the disaster, let’s examine the governments performance during and after the disaster: </p>
	<p>The disaster begin on 7 Feb 2009, the then Prime Minister ‘Rudd activates disaster plan’ (Brisbane Time, 9 Feb 2009) and announced a “$10 million in federal and Victorian government funds to help victims and emergency workers.” </p>
	<p>Two days later, Mr Rudd told Parliament: &#8220;Hear this from the Government and the Parliament of the nation. Together we will rebuild each of these communities — brick by brick, school by school, community hall by community hall.&#8221; (Brisbane Time, 11 Feb 2009 &#8211; ‘We&#8217;ll rebuild: Rudd’) </p>
	<p>However, he then begin to play politics with the well being of the disaster victims by “linking government relief for Victoria&#8217;s bushfire victims to its $42 billion economic stimulus package,” (Canberra Times, 11 Feb 2009 &#8211; ‘Opposition blasts bushfire, stimulus &#8216;link&#8217;‘) </p>
	<p>Our media begin to compare Australia handling of the Victoria’s Bushfires with the American during the Hurricane Katrina in 2005. This is how the contributing editor of the Age, Russell Skelton wrote: “Where the Bush administration dithered for 48 hours after hurricane Katrina, leaving the flooded city of New Orleans without help, in Victoria, government and non-government agencies such as the Red Cross were on the ground from first light. Within days a reconstruction authority was set up along with a royal commission.” (The Age, 31 March 2009 &#8211; Out of the fire) </p>
	<p>As usual in this country, the words of the politicians always sound louder than action. The actual outcome to the victims of the fires was: ‘Australia, Survivors of Victorian bushfires receive minimal compensation’ (wsws.org, 28 April 2009). One should note that: “More than 2020 homes were destroyed in the “Black Saturday” fires; 700 or just under a third of these had no insurance. Nevertheless, Victorian fire survivors have only received token government support. Small farmers unable to prove that over 51 percent of their income is derived from their properties will receive nothing from the official public bushfire appeal fund.” </p>
	<p>Despite the fact that: “Victorian Labor Premier John Brumby has granted a one-off $50,000 grant for owner-occupiers whose homes were destroyed and the possibility of an additional $40,000 for some victims, subject to government approval” The arrangement was : “according to the premier, $35,000 of this amount can be used for building expenses and the remaining $15,000 for restoration of home contents. Those with homes partially destroyed by the fires and those who were renting will receive $15,000. The state government is charging survivors who have been forced into temporary accommodation a “maintenance” fee of up to $100 per week “. </p>
	<p>The reality was: “These paltry grants will not even cover the cost of repairs, let alone fully replace homes and contents. They amount to a fraction of the cost of a home in the fire affected areas.” (Full report by wsws.org) </p>
	<p>14 months on, our Reconstruction Authority which was set up within days of the bush fire seems to have done a “great” job? Frankly speaking, as someone who read dozen of Australian Newspapers every day, I have no idea what our “Reconstruction Authority” done so far for the bushfire victims? This was how the Herald Sun reported on the 4 April 2010 (without mentioning the Reconstruction Authority) &#8211; ‘Slow and steady but no promise of winning race’. The reality on the ground after one year are: </p>
	<p>“HUNDREDS of people in the worst-affected zones are committing to rebuild after Black Saturday,” “But progress is patchy in some areas, and statistics reinforce that it will be many years before the destruction is close to being repaired.” </p>
	<p>“Just under 300 rebuilding permits have been issued for houses, sheds and commercial properties in Marysville and the surrounding triangle,” “Locals believe as few as 50 houses are actually being rebuilt in Marysville while many permits are probably for sheds.” </p>
	<p>“In the Kinglake Ranges, taking in Kinglake, Pheasant Creek and Toolangi, 361 building permits have been sought. There were 505 properties destroyed there on February 7.” and again: “There were 117 permits sought for Flowerdale and its sister hamlet, Hazeldene, compared with the 225 properties destroyed.” </p>
	<p>The progress for reconstruction has been very slow, part of the reason mentioned by Herald Sun report was: “with the rebuilding process arduous for many &#8211; particularly those who lost family or can&#8217;t decide whether to face the risk of any disaster.” </p>
	<p>However, I believe that among those 700 who were not insured, there must be people who do not have the financial ability to rebuilt but not mentioned by the media. The major reason for the “slow in progress” is actually due to bureaucratic red tape. I read a report about this aspect of the delay in building approval few months back, but unable to find back the link. However, one of the NSW’s local council has this statement in their website under the title: Rebuilding after a bush fire pointing out that: “When bushfire events do occur, Council’s ability to help in terms of the approval process is limited because State planning and building laws continue to apply as they would in normal circumstances, and Council is not at liberty to alter or ignore them.” </p>
	<p>15 months on, a Royal Commission of Inquiry set up more than a year ago to investigate into the Victoria’s Bush Fire has the following finding: </p>
	<p>“The tragically high death toll was caused by grossly inadequate emergency services, lack of fire warnings and the absence of any centralised evacuation plan.” The individual homeowners were left to decide by themselves whether they should “stay or go”. (WSWS, 28 May 2009 &#8211; ‘Australian bushfire royal commission: Survivors expose “stay or go” policy’) </p>
	<p>The enquiry also find that: “None of those in command showed any real leadership” (News Limited, 28 May 2010 &#8211; ‘Black Saturday &#8211; Leaders faltered as Victoria burned’). The situation were: </p>
	<p>“VICTORIA&#8217;S police minister and the state&#8217;s three most senior police officers were all absent from the emergency nerve centre when most of the deaths occurred on Black Saturday” (Herald Sun,  7 May 2010). </p>
	<p>“The uncoordinated and chaotic division of responsibilities and functions of senior police and emergency services leadership points to the negligence of the state government of Premier John Brumby. It made no serious attempt to establish clear lines of command and communication inside the IECC prior to the devastating fires.” (WSWS, 17 May 2010 &#8211; ‘Australia: Government culpability in 2009 Victorian bushfires’) </p>
	<p>As for the Federal Government, beside making some grand statements and posting for photo opportunities with the media at the beginning of the Bushfires and on its anniversary seems to disappear from the radar screen throughout the very slow rebuilding process. At the anniversary this year, the state government of Victoria was left alone to defend the delays in rebuilding including the rebuilding of schools in the bushfire-hit towns of Marysville and Strathewen (Herald Sun, 7 Feb 2010 &#8211; ‘Brumby defends bushfire rebuilding delays’)</p>
	<p>- US government </p>
	<p>Comparing to the Bush administration, Australian media did has the right to feel good about ourselves. </p>
	<p>President Bush has been warned on the eve of Hurricane Katrina that New Orleans&#8217; flood defences could be overcome” and “the risk to evacuees in the Superdome. However, “Mr Bush does not ask any questions as the situation is outlined to him.” (BBC, 2 March 2006 &#8211; ‘Video shows Bush Katrina warning’) That is, no action being taken by the President to do anything to the anticipated disaster. </p>
	<p>During the disaster, a well research website in the US with links to its sources showing photos of the President enjoying himself &#8211; “playing Guitar While New Orleans Drowned”. </p>
	<p>The research also show that: “Vice President Dick Cheney continued to enjoy his vacation in Jackson Hole, Wyoming during the whole debacle,” while “Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice bought $3000 worth of shoes at the exclusive NYC boutique Ferragamo.” </p>
	<p>“Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert called for the bulldozing of New Orleans, saying that it didn&#8217;t make sense to spend the money to rebuild the city; he also initially refused to call a special session of Congress to appropriate emergency relief funds for the Gulf Coast, saying that FEMA was handling the situation perfectly well. Hastert capitulated to pressure from House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi to allow the vote, then tried to take credit for the funding.” </p>
	<p>At the 4th anniversary of the disaster last year, reality on the ground of New Orleans indicated that, not much being done by the US government to rebuilt the flood affected areas. Amnesty International released a report with title: ‘The Facts: The Right to Return—Rebuilding the Gulf through the Framework of  International Human Right.’ indicated that: </p>
	<p>“Despite the passage of almost four years, thousands of those internally displaced as a result of Hurricane Katrina who want to return to New Orleans are unable to do so.” </p>
	<p>“More than 14,000 families living in metropolitan New Orleans are still receiving Disaster Housing Assistance Program (DHAP) vouchers which help them pay rent. These vouchers come with an expiration date, which was recently changed from March 2009 to September 2009. Only approximately 7,500 of these families may be eligible for Housing Choice vouchers, which gives them access to Section 8 housing. Once the DHAP vouchers expire, the remaining families face potential homelessness. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) acknowledges that at least 4,000 of those who do not qualify for Section 8 housing will have difficulty finding affordable housing.” </p>
	<p>The report further explained the situation: “After Katrina, the federal government placed tens of thousands of families in trailers which were meant to provide temporary shelter. Today, there are approximately 3,400 families still living in trailers in Louisiana and Mississippi, 760 of which are in New Orleans. After being told that they would be evicted if they did not vacate their trailers by May 30, 2009, the trailer residents will now be given the option to purchase their trailers for $5 or less. Many of the FEMA trailers contain levels of formaldehyde, a carcinogenic toxin, which are 75 times the recommended maximum for U.S. workers. The federal government has indicated that trailers with elevated levels of formaldehyde will not be available for purchase. As a result, only 1,160 of the trailers currently being used qualify for purchase by these IDPs. HUD has not yet provided a clear indication of how it will supply the remaining trailers.”</p>
	<p>Here is the full Amnesty International Report in 2009 </p>
	<p>The mainstream cooperate media in US were basically silence on the problem in New Orleans. This is how AlterNet, an independent website reported the situation on 10 September 2009: ‘How Corporate Media Are Washing Away Katrina From America&#8217;s Mind’. </p>
	<p>This year, on the March 2010, a blogger by the name of Douglas Brown has this personal account of what he watched first hand in New Orleans: “This week, I drove to New Orleans as part of a Mission Trip to help rebuild homes that were destroyed by Hurricane Katrina in 2005. After five years, there are still literally thousands of people who are still homeless or living in trailers that FEMA provided in 2005. Most of these people are people who have little or no income, have lost family, often the main income earner, are elderly, widowed or disabled. There is no funding that these people can get to rebuild. They have nowhere to go, and in the richest nation in the world, the shame we saw when the poor were left behind when Katrina hit is still here, albeit not on National TV, since it is not a current story anymore.” </p>
	<p>For your info, a US federal judge has ruled in November 2009 that the Army Corps of Engineers&#8217; failure to properly maintain a navigation channel led to massive flooding in Hurricane Katrina in 2005. (Brisbane Time, 20 Nov 2010 &#8211; ‘Corps&#8217; negligence caused Katrina flooding’).</p>
	<p>- China Government </p>
	<p>Sharp Contrary to the performance of the Australia and US’s governments during a major natural disaster, Chinese leadership responded to the 2008 earthquake in a professional manner characterise by its high efficiency and comprehensiveness: </p>
	<p>The military formed the key elements in the rescue process and its response to the earthquake was rapid with “the first Chinese military rescue team reportedly headed for the disaster area within 14 minutes after the strong earthquake began” (Hoover Institute Research: China Leadership Monitor &#8211; 2008 No 25 &#8211; ‘The Chinese Military’s Earthquake Response Leadership Team’). </p>
	<p>The research also find that within days, “China’s armed forces dispatched more than 100,000 soldiers and armed police to help with rescue operations in earthquake-hit areas, dividing their units into three geographical rescue zones.” </p>
	<p>“Military transport aircraft and helicopters had made 1,069 flights during the first week of operations, supplemented by 92 military trains and about 110,000 military vehicles, cranes, rubber boats, portable communication devices, and power generators. The military units had pulled 21,566 people both dead and alive from the debris, treated 34,051 injured people and transferred 205,370 people to safety”. </p>
	<p>“115 medical teams were sent to the disaster zone, and quilts, food, medicine, and tents weighing 780,000 tons were distributed. The armed forces also airdropped 307 tons of relief supplies and repaired 557 kilometers of damaged roads.” </p>
	<p>There are 9 working groups involved in the rescue mission: “Emergency Management and Relief Provision Group, Masses’ Livelihood Group, Seismic Monitoring Group, Sanitation and Epidemic Prevention Group, Propaganda Group, Production Restoration Group, Safeguarding Infrastructure and Post-Disaster Reconstruction Group, Water Resources Group, and the Public Order Group.” </p>
	<p>The Time (14 May 2008 &#8211; ‘China Races to Save Quake Victims’) also has this account of the military involvement in the rescue mission: “On the streets of Dujiangyan the rescue troops are ubiquitous. Military vehicles are lined up, and People&#8217;s Armed Police and People&#8217;s Liberation Army soldiers, kitted out in crisp, matching green camouflage, are battling rain and rubble as they try to reach trapped survivors and control emotional crowds.” </p>
	<p>The response from the top leadership in Beijing were also sweep and decisive. This is how Wikipedia described the rescue effort: “President Hu Jintao announced that the disaster response would be rapid. Just 90 minutes after the earthquake, Premier Wen Jiabao, who has an academic background in geomechanics, flew to the earthquake area to oversee the rescue work. Soon afterward, China&#8217;s Health Ministry said that it had sent ten emergency medical teams to Wenchuan County in southwest China&#8217;s Sichuan Province. On the same day, China&#8217;s Chengdu Military Area Command dispatched 50,000 troops and armed police to help with disaster relief work in Wenchuan County.” </p>
	<p>Not long after the quake, the Chinese government begin to announce an eight-year reconstruction plan, which targets 2008-2010 for immediate recovery and 2011-2015 for long-term economic reconstruction. (International labour Organisation, 12 Oct 2009) </p>
	<p>Within 16 months of the massive earthquake, Premier Wen Jiabao already re-visited the quake zone 8 times (This is the report of his 8th visit by the Hong Kong’s media, Ifeng news, 27 Sept 2009 in Chinese language). </p>
	<p>A year later, China government released a report in regards to the progress of the rebuilding effort covering a wide range of issues and statistics including the reconstruction of schools, hospitals and residential building; the variety of assistance  given to the farmer who lost their land, people who lost their home, old people who lost their children, children who lost their parents and people who became handicap; and the issue with employment, etc. (Detail in Ifeng News in Chinese language, 7 May 2009). </p>
	<p>The Time’s journalist, Austin Ramzy has a personal account of the quake zone after 6 months as follows (The Time, 19 January 2010) : </p>
	<p>“I went back to Sichuan six months after the catastrophe and was amazed at the speed of physical and economic recovery. In Dujiangyan, the largest city in the quake zone, the rubble and tent cities had disappeared. The jumble of debris was replaced by piles of new bricks, lumber and other construction materials. There was a building boom across the region, and dozens of temporary villages were erected to house the 5 million people who were rendered homeless by the quake. The prefab housing was made out of blue aluminum siding lined with Styrofoam insulation. It had concrete floors and was arranged in neat rows in flat spots at the bases of the mountains. Conditions weren&#8217;t luxurious, but the camps were clean and the housing dry and fairly warm.” </p>
	<p>“I found no evidence of homelessness, though there were reports of people in the mountains who refused to spend their rebuilding funds and chose to remain in tents.” </p>
	<p>“In 2008 the government said it would spend $176 billion on reconstruction by 2011. (The total recovery cost is estimated at $250 billion.) As of last June it had already spent more than $50 billion. Some of the expenses have been shouldered by other parts of China. Twenty provinces have set aside 1% of fiscal revenues for two years to help rebuild Sichuan.” </p>
	<p>In fact, the kind of care the Chinese government extended to its citizens in needs has gone beyond financial aids and the reconstruction of buildings and infrastructures, their care for the people has extended to areas such as: “paid for group weddings and plan to hold a matchmaking fair.” (The Guardian, 11 May 2009 &#8211; A year on from the Chinese earthquake, love flourishes amid ruins of Sichuan) </p>
	<p>In fact, the center of the quake begin from a village where the Tibetan’s live, and what the Australian media did not tell us is how China assist their minority to rebuilt their live. I will have a special article on this issue at an appropriate time with title: “Minority Policy—China Vs. Australia”.</p>
	<p>Purpose of this article </p>
	<p>The purpose of writing this article is to use actual examples of how the three governments (US, Australia and China) handled a major natural disaster to demonstrate one fundamental truth: That is, the world has yet to find a perfect political system. All form of government has its strength and weaknesses. For the sake of humanity, countries should learn from each other successful experience to improve on oneself. </p>
	<p>Unfortunately, in Australia, despite the fact that we have daily news about China, our media not only failed to tell the Australian public the massive human right achievement China made to the more than 5 million people who lost their home in the 2008 Earthquake, some in our media industry systematically running smear campaign with invented stories to demonise China. For those who are interested to find out how? Click on this story: How the Australia Press Council protected media that violated it own written principles?</p>
	<p>Conclusion: Democracy Needs Reform</p>
	<p>Theoretically, democracy is supposed to bring about caring leaderships with the assumption of “from the people, by the people and for the people”. In practices, this may not be the case as the above 3 examples already demonstrated. Why?</p>
	<p>Have we become complacent and obsessed with Winston Churchill assessment of democracy in 1947: “Democracy is the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.”</p>
	<p>Is there any room for improvement? For examples, I believe it is fair for one to ask the following questions:</p>
	<p>1) Has our current form of democratic process produce leaders with the right attitude, mindset and ability to care for the people in needs?</p>
	<p>2) If not, what should we do to overcome those system deficiency?</p>
	<p>3) Will it be a good idea to introduce the element of socialist philosophy into our democratic process? How?</p>
	<p>4) Should we regards the inability of a government to care for their citizens in need a human right issue?</p>
	<p>The 2009 International Monetary Fund (IMF) report rank China 98 (USD3,678) out of 180 countries based on its per capital GDP,  Australia rank 11 (USD45,587) and USA 9 (USD46,381). However, why China out perform the two much richer countries in term of caring for their citizens in need?</p>
	<p>If democracy is define as government ‘listening and caring for their citizens in need’, I believe, China has no doubt achieve such goal. </p>
	<p>I will continue to write a series of articles using the heading ‘Democracy Needs Reform’ before moving into the area of analysing the solutions. Unfortunately, I was banned by the Australian Media as an accredited Journalist from enjoying my membership due to my political view, so I reckon, most Australians would have to be happy with the Age contributing editor assessment that: “Australia is better than USA.”</p>
	<p>However, my up coming article, ‘Democracy Needs Reform—Australia Voters Facing a Basket of Rotten Apples’ may provide some insight into why both Australia and US’s governments failed to care for their people in needs during the Bush Fires in Victoria and Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans.</p>
	<p>To read with hyperlink, please visit: http://www.outcastjournalist.com/index_democracy_need_reform_australia_china_n_usa_a_tale_of_3_natural_disaster.htm  </p>
	<p>Written on 2 Aug 2010 by www.outcastjournalist.com</p>
	<p>Related Articles</p>
	<p>Democracy needs reform—The cruelty of poll driven politics (28 June 2010)</p>
	<p>http://www.outcastjournalist.com/index_democracy_need_reform_the_cruelty_of_poll_driven_politics.htm</p>
<p>This post was submitted by <a href="http://www.outcastjournalist.com" rel="nofollow">Chua Wei Ling</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<slash:comments>122</slash:comments>
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		<title>Obama: &#8220;Does not seek to contain China.&#8221;  Think again.</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/08/01/obama-does-not-seek-to-contain-china-think-again/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/08/01/obama-does-not-seek-to-contain-china-think-again/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 01 Aug 2010 11:46:50 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>pug_ster</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[-mini-posts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ASEAN]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Hillary Clinton]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[obama]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Vietnam]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7419</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	Going back to 11/09 when Obama made his historical trip to Shanghai and Beijing, things seems to go pretty well for both countries.  Obama said: &#8220;The United States does not seek to contain China.  On the contrary, the rise of a strong and prosperous China can be a source of strength for the [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />Going back to 11/09 when Obama made his historical trip to Shanghai and Beijing, things seems to go pretty well for both countries.  Obama said: &#8220;The United States does not seek to contain China.  On the contrary, the rise of a strong and prosperous China can be a source of strength for the community of nations.&#8221;  Perhaps Obama spoke too soon.  </p>
	<p>It looks like 2010 will be the worst diplomatic relations between China and the US since 1989.  It started with the censorship issue with google, then trying to isolate China from Iran&#8217;s with its nuclear program, the issue with the sinking of the Cheonan resulted in war games between South Korea and US in the Yellow sea.  Perhaps these issues will come and pass, but there are more distressing issues in Southeast Asia.<span id="more-7419"></span></p>
	<p>http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/22/AR2010072206037.html</p>
	<p>http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20100718/wl_asia_afp/cambodiausmilitary</p>
	<p>http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/29/AR2010072906416.html</p>
	<p>According to this articles, there are several things happened between US and several countries in Southeast Asia.  US has resumed relations with the Kopassus, Indonesia&#8217;s special forces, which had past history of atrocities and assassinations.  Relations with Malaysia has improved despite Anwar Ibrahim being put on trial for sodomy.  Laos (an ally of China) dispatched dispatched its highest delegation to the US since 1975.  The Obama administration has ended Bush administration policy towards Myanmar by trying to reach out to that nation.  US is reengaging military relations with Cambodia.</p>
	<p>http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20100725/wl_asia_afp/chinausmilitary</p>
	<p>Recently, Hillary Clinton came into Vietnam as a symbolic gesture to commemorate the 15th anniversary of relations between Vietnam and the US.  Furthermore, she also went to the ASEAN meeting and said, &#8220;The United States has a national interest in freedom of navigation, open access to Asia&#8217;s maritime commons, and respect for international law in the South China Sea.&#8221;  She also wanted to make land disputes in the Spratly Island as a discussion against China.  The last time when the US was this engaged in Southeast China was during the Vietnam War.  </p>
	<p>So does Obama want to contain China?  It is anybody&#8217;s guess, but it seems that US already have discussions of how to counterbalance China&#8217;s influence over Southeast Asia even before Obama was elected as president.</p>
	<p>http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/081208_mitchell_usandseasia-web.pdf</p>
<p>This post was submitted by pug_ster.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<slash:comments>45</slash:comments>
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		<title>Android and China, how the phone market will change in the coming years.</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/07/20/android-and-china-how-the-phone-market-will-change-in-the-coming-years/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/07/20/android-and-china-how-the-phone-market-will-change-in-the-coming-years/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 20 Jul 2010 10:39:47 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>pug_ster</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[-mini-posts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Android]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Google]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[smartphone]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7383</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	In the recent release of the highly praised iphone 4, many people thinks Apple will dominate the smartphone market for the next few years.  For the most part that it true.  RIM will cater to the corporate market.  Microsoft will probably fall to the wayside with its botched launch of the Kin [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />In the recent release of the highly praised iphone 4, many people thinks Apple will dominate the smartphone market for the next few years.  For the most part that it true.  RIM will cater to the corporate market.  Microsoft will probably fall to the wayside with its botched launch of the Kin and its slow deployment of Windows Mobile 7 OS.  Yet Apple makes oodles of money selling iphone4&#8217;s and ipads at a premium.</p>
	<p>Android came out about 2 years ago and steadily rose up from being the niche smartphone to the &#8216;alternative&#8217; smartphone.  Mobile manufacturers like Motorola, HTC, Samsung, and LG clearly are in the game while other companies like Dell, Lenovo, and Acer will have smartphones down the pipeline.  </p>
	<p>But what does Android and China have do with this?  After all, google (which developed Andriod) and China were at odds with the censorship issue earlier this year.  Despite this, China has been embracing the Android market with open arms.  They are creating Android services with their own email app stores, search engines and maps from google. <span id="more-7383"></span></p>
	<p>It all sounds nice, but how can an average Chinese afford can&#8217;t afford a phone from Motorola and Nokia and would rather buy a nice looking Shanzai phone for about $60?  Cheaper chipsets.  Recently lesser known companies like Mediatek, Rokchip, and telechips are coming out with cheaper solutions for the Chinese market.  While ipads are sold at a premium of $500+ each, Chinese companies like Eken are selling them beginning at the $100 range.  Next year we will probably see Android phones come out based on the cheaper SOC&#8217;s (system on chip) that will push the phones coming down starting at the $100 range.  So Apple has alot to worry about from Android.</p>
	<p>http://www.salon.com/technology/android/index.html?story=/tech/htww/2010/07/19/android_in_china</p>
<p>This post was submitted by pug_ster.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<slash:comments>18</slash:comments>
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		<title>Freedom in the World 2010</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/07/06/freedom-in-the-world-2010/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/07/06/freedom-in-the-world-2010/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 06 Jul 2010 19:45:55 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Steve</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[human rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Civil Liberties]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[government]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[hong kong]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Political Rights]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Singapore]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[taiwan]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[tibet]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7365</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	Once per year, Freedom House releases its  annual report covering the levels of freedom throughout the world. I&#8217;ve included their reports for China, Tibet, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. They issue two scores, one for Political Rights and one for Civil Liberties, along with a Freedom Status. The lower the number, the higher the [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" /><em>Once per year, Freedom House releases its <a href="http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=505"> annual report</a> covering the levels of freedom throughout the world. I&#8217;ve included their reports for China, Tibet, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. They issue two scores, one for Political Rights and one for Civil Liberties, along with a Freedom Status. The lower the number, the higher the rating. </em></p>
	<h2>China (2010)</h2>
	<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="100%">
	<tbody>
	<tr align="left" valign="top">
	<td><!-- #country_table td { 	background-color: #C5CED7; 	float: left; 	width: 130px; } #country_table p { 	padding: 0px; 	font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; 	font-size: 8pt; 	color: #333333; 	margin: 10px; } table.country_table { 	margin-right: 10px; 	margin-bottom: 10px; } .box_heading { 	font-weight: bold; 	color: #384262; 	width: 110px; } --></p>
	<table id="country_table" border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="130" align="left">
	<tbody>
	<tr>
	<td>Capital:  					Beijing</p>
	<p>Population:  					1,331,398,000</td>
	</tr>
	</tbody>
	</table>
	<p>Political Rights Score: 7<br />
Civil Liberties Score: 6<br />
Status: Not Free</p>
	<h3>Explanatory Note</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>The numerical ratings and status listed above do not reflect  conditions in Hong Kong or Tibet, which are examined in separate  reports.</div>
	<div><span id="more-7365"></span></div>
	</div>
	</div>
	</div>
	<h3>Overview</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
	<div><strong><strong>The Chinese government continued in 2009  to demonstrate high levels of insecurity and intolerance regarding  citizens’ political activism and demands for human rights protection.  Aiming to suppress protests during politically sensitive anniversaries  during the year, including the 60-year mark of the Communist Party’s  rise to power, the authorities resorted to lockdowns on major cities and  new restrictions on the internet. The government also engaged in a  renewed campaign against democracy activists, human rights lawyers, and  religious or ethnic minorities, which included sentencing dozens to long  prison terms following unfair trials. Repressive measures were  intensified in the northwestern region of Xinjiang, especially after  ethnic violence erupted there in July. Nevertheless, many citizens  defied government hostility and asserted their rights to free expression  and association.</strong></strong></div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
	</div>
	<div><strong> </strong></p>
	<hr /><strong> </strong></div>
	</div>
	<div><strong> </strong></div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) took power in mainland China in  1949. Party leader Mao Zedong subsequently oversaw devastating  mass-mobilization campaigns, such as the Great Leap Forward (1958–61)  and the Cultural Revolution (1966–76), which resulted in tens of  millions of deaths. Following Mao’s death in 1976, Deng Xiaoping emerged  as paramount leader. Over the next two decades, he maintained the CCP’s  absolute rule in the political sphere while initiating limited  market-based reforms to stimulate the economy.</div>
	<div>
	<p>The CCP signaled its resolve to avoid democratization with the deadly  1989 assault on prodemocracy protesters in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square  and surrounding areas. Following the crackdown, Jiang Zemin replaced  Zhao Ziyang as general secretary of the party. Jiang was named state  president in 1993 and became China’s top leader following Deng’s death  in 1997. He continued Deng’s policy of rapid economic growth,  recognizing that regime legitimacy now rested largely on the CCP’s  ability to boost living standards. In the political sphere, Jiang  maintained a hard line.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Hu Jintao succeeded Jiang as CCP general secretary in 2002, state  president in 2003, and head of the military in 2004. Many observers  expected Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao to implement modest political reforms  to address pressing socioeconomic problems including a rising income  gap, unemployment, the lack of a social safety net, environmental  degradation, and corruption. However, while it proved moderately more  responsive to certain constituencies—especially the urban middle  class—the government continued to exercise tight control over key  institutions and intensified repression of perceived threats to the  CCP’s authority.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In March 2008, the National People’s Congress bestowed additional  five-year terms on Hu and Wen, while Shanghai party boss Xi Jinping was  appointed vice president, setting the stage for him to potentially  succeed Hu in 2012. In August, China hosted the Olympic Games in  Beijing. Despite its pledges to ensure an open media environment and  improved human rights protections surrounding the games, the government  engaged in large-scale evictions, greater restrictions on freedom of  movement, internet censorship for foreign journalists, and crackdowns on  dissidents and minorities.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The atmosphere of heightened repression continued in 2009, as the  global economic crisis, rising public protests, and the arrival of  several politically sensitive anniversaries strengthened hard-liners  within the CCP. The major dates included the 50th anniversary of the  Dalai Lama’s flight from Tibet in March, the 20th anniversary of the  Tiananmen Square crackdown in June, the 10th anniversary of the CCP’s  ongoing suppression of the Falun Gong spiritual movement in July, and  the 60th anniversary of the CCP’s rise to power in October. Following  the model used for the Olympics, the authorities imposed  anniversary-related security measures including lockdowns on major  cities, increased restrictions on internet access, and systematic  arrests of rights activists, petitioners, and religious and ethnic  minorities. Conditions in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region  deteriorated during the year, both before and after ethnic violence  erupted in July.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Popular unrest was not limited to Xinjiang. Growing anger over  corruption, abuse of power, and impunity fueled tens of thousands of  protests, particularly in rural areas. In response, CCP leaders  committed more resources to tackling corruption, spurring the  investigation of hundreds of mid- and high-ranking officials and a  well-publicized crackdown on organized crime, although the effort  stopped short of much-needed legal and institutional reforms. The CCP  also tightened political control over the judiciary, expanded the use of  surveillance equipment, and established a network of extralegal  taskforces to coordinate the suppression of grassroots discontent.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Despite government repression, a growing nonprofit sector continued  to provide crucial social services and increase citizens’ rights  awareness. In addition, bloggers, journalists, legal professionals,  workers, and religious believers pushed the limits of permissible  activity, sometimes effectively asserting the rights to free expression  and association. Citizens managed to expose official corruption, obtain  compensation for unpaid wages, and force the partial retraction of a  plan to install monitoring and censorship software on personal  computers. According to reports by activists and references on official  websites, banned political publications continued to  circulate—especially online—including the newly released memoir of  ousted CCP leader Zhao Ziyang, the prodemocracy manifesto Charter 08,  and the <em>Nine Commentaries</em>, a collection of editorials highly  critical of CCP rule.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Also during the year, reconstruction continued in the wake of a May  2008 earthquake in Sichuan province that led to an estimated 70,000  deaths. The effort was marred, however, by the alleged misuse of relief  funds and ongoing government attempts to cover up the disproportionate  toll among children due to shoddily constructed school buildings. Under  public pressure, the government published the death toll among children  in May, setting the figure at 5,335, though many observers argued that  the true count was probably much higher.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>China weathered the global economic downturn better than many other  countries, thanks in part to a $580 billion stimulus package. However,  critics raised concerns that the government spending could boost large,  underperforming state-owned enterprises at the expense of small and  medium-sized companies that typically account for much of the country’s  tax revenue and economic dynamism. Some observers also warned that the  increased investment in infrastructure could stir unrest related to land  disputes.</p>
	</div>
	<p>At the international level, the CCP made concerted efforts to extend its  propaganda and censorship beyond China’s borders. The government  invested billions of dollars in new international versions of party  mouthpieces such as Xinhua News Agency, while pressuring foreign  officials to silence regime critics at cultural events in Germany,  Australia, South Korea, Bangladesh, and Taiwan. Chinese officials also  successfully pressured Pakistan and Cambodia to repatriate Uighur  asylum-seekers, who faced possible torture and execution in China.  Relations between China and Taiwan continued to thaw, as new bilateral  agreements facilitated transportation links, judicial assistance, and  economic investment.</p>
	</div>
	</div>
	</div>
	<h3>Political Rights and Civil Liberties</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p>China is not an electoral democracy. The CCP has a monopoly on  political power and its nine-member Politburo Standing Committee makes  most important political decisions and sets government policy. Party  members hold almost all top posts in government, the military, and the  internal security services, as well as in many economic entities and  social organizations.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The 3,000-member National People’s Congress (NPC), which is elected  for five-year terms by subnational congresses, formally elects the  state president for up to two five-year terms, and confirms the premier  after he is nominated by the president. However, the NPC is a largely  symbolic body, meeting for just two weeks a year and serving primarily  to approve proposed legislation, though members sometimes question bills  before passing them. The country’s only competitive elections are for  village committees and urban residency councils, which hold limited  authority and are generally subordinate to the local CCP committees. The  nomination of candidates remains tightly controlled, and many of these  elections have been marred by fraud, violence, corruption, and attacks  on independent candidates. Plans to expand polls to higher levels of  governance, such as townships, have stalled.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Opposition groups like the China Democracy Party are suppressed,  and members are imprisoned. Prominent democracy advocate Liu Xiaobo was  sentenced in December 2009 to 11 years in prison for his involvement in  drafting and circulating Charter 08. At least 100 other signers of the  prodemocracy manifesto were reportedly summoned for questioning  following its publication. Several other democracy activists received  long prison sentences during the year, including Xie Changfa, sentenced  to 13 years for organizing a Hunan province branch of the China  Democracy Party,andGuo Quan, an online writer and professor who launched  the China New People’s Party, sentenced to 10 years. In October, the  U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on China published a partial  list of over 1,200 political prisoners, while the San Francisco-based  Dui Hua Foundation estimated that 1,150 new arrests for “endangering  state security” were made in 2009. Tens of thousands of others are  thought to be held in extrajudicial forms of detention for their  political or religious views.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In February 2009, the government of the Macau Special  Administrative Region, a Portuguese-ruled colony until 1999, passed  legislation that stipulates long prison terms for crimes such as  “secession,” “subversion,” and “association with foreign political  organizations that harm state security.” Human rights groups raised  concerns that, as in the rest of China, such provisions could be used to  restrict freedom of expression and imprison critics of the Macau or  Beijing authorities. Macau immigration officers reportedly cited the law  in barring entry to several prodemocracy lawmakers and activists from  Hong Kong shortly after its passage.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Corruption remains endemic despite increased government antigraft  efforts, generating growing public resentment. The problem is most acute  in sectors with extensive state involvement, such as construction, land  procurement, and banking. While multiple bodies track and prosecute  corruption, there is no independent anticorruption agency. Tens of  thousands of cases were investigated at all levels in 2009, with  suspects including several assistant ministers and heads of state-run  conglomerates. A crackdown on organized crime in Chongqing that began in  June swept up thousands of suspects, exposing criminal infiltration of  key industries as well as crime bosses’ collusion with senior officers  in local party committees, the police, and the judiciary. Prosecution in  such cases is often selective, as informal personal networks and  internal CCP power struggles influence the choice of targets. Also in  2009, censors heavily restricted reporting on a Namibian bribery probe  involving a state-owned company formerly headed by President Hu Jintao’s  son.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>CCP officials increasingly seek input from academics and civic  groups on pending legislation and occasionally hold public hearings,  though without relinquishing control over the decision-making process.  New open-government regulations took effect in 2008, but implementation  has been incomplete. While some agencies have been more forthcoming in  publishing accounting details or official regulations, courts have  hesitated to enforce citizens’ information requests, and a precise  accounting of economic stimulus funds had not been released by the end  of 2009 despite promises of transparency. Local officials continued to  hide vital information on topics including mining disasters, tainted  food products, and polluting companies. China was ranked 79 out of 180  countries surveyed in Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption  Perceptions Index.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Despite relative freedom in private discussion and journalists’  efforts to push the limits of permissible speech, China’s media  environment remains extremely restrictive. The authorities employ  sophisticated means to control news reporting, particularly on sensitive  topics. This includes setting the agenda by allowing key state-run  media outlets to cover events—including negative news—in a timely but  selective manner, and requiring that other outlets restrict their  coverage to such approved accounts. Party directives in 2009 curbed  reporting related to sensitive anniversaries, public health,  environmental accidents, deaths in police custody, foreign policy, and  other topics. Journalists who fail to comply with official guidance are  harassed, fired, or jailed. According to international watchdog groups,  at least 30 journalists, mostly freelancers, and 68 cyberdissidents  remained imprisoned at year’s end for disseminating proscribed  information, though the actual number is likely much higher. In one  prominent case, online activist Huang Qi was sentenced in November to  three years in prison for publishing criticism of the authorities’  response to the 2008 Sichuan earthquake. Tan Zuoren, an activist who had  coordinated citizen efforts to document the death toll from school  collapses during the quake, was put on trial in August, and several  witnesses were beaten on their way to testify. At year’s end, Tan  remained in detention but had not been sentenced.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In addition to restrictions on media coverage imposed by the  central government, lower-level officials also take measures to repress  reports that expose shortcomings in their performance. Several  journalists were assaulted during 2009 while trying to cover pollution  or corruption. Others faced criminal defamation charges or were jailed  on bribery charges in an apparent effort to stifle investigative  reporting. Activist Wu Baoquan was sentenced in September to 18 months  in prison after posting online allegations that officials in Inner  Mongolia had profited from forced evictions. In December, Fu Hua of <em>China  Business News</em> was sentenced to three years in prison for allegedly  accepting bribes in relation to a story exposing safety problems in the  construction of an airport in northeastern China. In November, the  editor in chief Hu Shuli and other key staff resigned from the business  magazine <em>Caijing</em> amid clashes with owners over financial  matters and pressure to tone down its aggressive reporting on  corruption.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Regulations have allowed greater freedom of movement for foreign  journalists since 2007, but local officials continue to block, harass,  and sometimes assault foreign reporters while intimidating their Chinese  sources and assistants. In February 2009, the government issued a code  of conduct for Chinese assistants of foreign correspondents that  threatens punishment for those who engage in “independent reporting.”  Some international radio and television broadcasts, including the U.S.  government–funded Radio Free Asia, remain jammed. The signal of the  Falun Gong–affiliated satellite station New Tang Dynasty TV remained cut  off in 2009, after the French company Eutelsat, apparently under  pressure from Beijing, stopped its broadcasts in June 2008.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In 2009, China was home to the largest number of internet users  globally, reaching 360 million by September 2009, according to official  figures. However, the government maintains an elaborate apparatus for  censoring and monitoring internet use and personal communications,  including via mobile telephones. The authorities block websites they  deem politically threatening and detain those who post the content.In  2009, they repeatedly blocked social-networking and microblogging sites,  removed political content and shut down blogs in the name of  antipornography campaigns, required users to register their real  identities when posting comments on news websites, and stepped up  obstruction of technologies used to circumvent censorship. In May, the  government announced regulations requiring the installation of  censorship and surveillance software called Green Dam Youth Escort on  all computers sold in China; following protests from the international  business community, human rights groups, and Chinese internet users, the  authorities withdrew the directive in June, but said installation would  proceed for computers in schools and internet cafes. For all the  government’s controls, the technology’s flexibility, circumvention  tools, and the large volume of online communications have allowed many  users to nonetheless access censored content, expose official  corruption, mobilize protests, and circulate banned political texts.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The number of religious believers, including Christians, has  expanded in recent years. Nevertheless, religious freedom remains  sharply curtailed, and religious minorities remained a key target of  repression during 2009. All religious groups are required to register  with the government, which regulates their activities and guides their  theology. Some faiths, such as Falun Gong as well as certain Buddhist  and Christian groups, are formally outlawed, and their members face  harassment, imprisonment, and torture. Other unregistered groups, such  as unofficial Protestant and Roman Catholic congregations, operate in a  legal gray zone, and state tolerance of them varies from place to place.  In September, police and thugs destroyed the Linfen-Fushan megachurch  in Shanxi; church leaders were subsequently sentenced to as much as  seven years in prison. Unregistered Buddhist temples were similarly  targeted for demolition during the year, particularly in Jiangxi  province. Security forces led by the 6-10 Office, an extralegal agency  created in 1999, continued to target Falun Gong adherents nationwide for  surveillance, imprisonment, torture, and forced conversion, sometimes  leading to deaths in custody. In January 2009, Chongqing resident Jiang  Xiqing died while held at a “reeducation through labor” camp for  practicing Falun Gong; lawyers seeking to investigate his death were  detained and beaten.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Academic freedom remains restricted with respect to politically  sensitive issues. The CCP controls the appointment of university  officials, and many scholars practice self-censorship to preserve their  positions and personal safety. Pressure to self-censor increased during  2009, particularly surrounding the June and October anniversaries.  Political indoctrination is a required component of the curriculum at  all levels of education.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Freedoms of assembly and association are severely restricted. Both  central and local authorities issued regulations in 2009 aimed at  preventing petitioners from traveling to Beijing to report injustices to  senior officials. Local officials continued to face penalties if they  failed to limit the flow of petitioners to the capital; as a result,  petitioners were routinely intercepted, harassed, detained in illegal  detention centers termed “black jails,” or sent to labor camps.  Thousands of detained petitioners were reportedly subjected to beatings,  psychological abuse, and sexual violence. Despite such repression,  workers, farmers, and others held tens of thousands of protests during  the year, reflecting growing public anger over wrongdoing by officials,  especially land confiscation, corruption, and fatal police beatings.  Security agencies and hired thugs often use excessive force to put down  demonstrations; in several instances during 2009, this drove protesters  to violently attack symbols of authority, such as police cars and  government buildings. In June, riot police used batons to disperse an  estimated 10,000 residents of Shishou in Hubei province, who had  mustered after police refused to investigate the mysterious death of a  24-year-old hotel chef. At least eight people were subsequently  sentenced to jail terms, including relatives of the deceased. In some  cases, officials tolerate demonstrations as an outlet for pent-up  frustration, or agree to protesters’ demands.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are required to register and  follow strict regulations, including vague prohibitions on advocating  non-CCP rule, “damaging national unity,” or “upsetting ethnic harmony.”  Many groups seeking more independence organize informally or register as  businesses, though they are vulnerable to closure at any time. A  government crackdown on several public interest groups in 2009 generated  a chilling effect among civil society activists, with many putting  projects on hold. In July, Beijing authorities shut down the Open  Constitution Initiative, a legal aid NGO known for defending victims of  the 2008 tainted-milk scandal and commissioning a report on government  policies in Tibet, and raided the offices of the Yi Ren Ping Center, an  organization assisting Hepatitis B patients.</p>
	</div>
	<div>The only legal labor union is the government-controlled All-China  Federation of Trade Unions. Collective bargaining is legal but does not  occur in practice, and independent labor leaders are harassed and  jailed. Nevertheless, workers have increasingly asserted themselves  informally via strikes, collective petitioning, and selection of  negotiating representatives. Such tactics repeatedly yielded concessions  from employers or drew government intervention on behalf of workers in  2009. Three labor laws that took effect in 2008 were designed to protect  workers, counter discrimination, and facilitate complaints against  employers, while also empowering CCP-controlled unions. Initial  promising signs on implementation—including a sharp rise in the number  of labor-dispute cases filed by workers—were overshadowed by the  economic downturn, the lack of independent arbitration bodies, and a  growing backlog of complaints. Dangerous workplace conditions continued  to claim lives. The official number of workplace accidents during the  first three months of 2009 declined compared with the same period in  2008, but the death toll for the first quarter remained high at 18,501.  Forced labor, including child labor through government-sanctioned  “work-study” programs and in “reeducation through labor” camps, remains a  serious problem.</div>
	<div>
	<p>The CCP controls the judiciary and directs verdicts and sentences,  particularly in politically sensitive cases. Judicial autonomy is  greater in commercial litigation and civil suits involving private  individuals. A party veteran with no formal legal training was appointed  as chief justice in 2008, and he subsequently issued a doctrine  emphasizing the “Supremacy of the Cause of the Party” over the law. In  2009, the government accelerated a crackdown on civil rights lawyers,  law firms, and NGOs offering legal services. In March, authorities shut  down the Beijing-based law firm Yitong, known for representing victims  of corruption or rights abuses. In May, over 20 lawyers were effectively  disbarred when their license registrations were rejected, and several  were physically assaulted during the year. In November, Wang Yonghang, a  lawyer from Dalian in northeastern China, was sentenced to seven years  in prison for defending Falun Gong practitioners, the harshest term  given to an attorney in recent memory. Prominent lawyer Gao Zhisheng  remained “disappeared” and at severe risk of torture following his  abduction by security forces in February.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Despite recent criminal procedure reforms, trials—which often  amount to mere sentencing announcements—are frequently closed to the  public. Torture remains widespread, with coerced confessions routinely  admitted as evidence. Endemic corruption exacerbates the lack of due  process. Since late 2008, about a dozen senior judges have been detained  on bribery charges, including the vice president of the Supreme  People’s Court.Many suspects are deprived of court hearings altogether,  detained instead by bureaucratic fiat in “reeducation through labor”  camps. Based on interviews with recently released detainees, a February  2009 study by the Chinese Human Rights Defenders group reported that in  addition to petty thieves and drug addicts, Falun Gong practitioners,  Christians, and petitioners constituted a significant percentage of  those incarcerated in the camps. The use of various forms of extralegal  detention has increased in recent years, including secret jails and  psychiatric arrest of petitioners and dissidents. Together, detention  facilities are estimated to hold a total of three to five million  detainees. Conditions in such facilities are generally harsh, with  detainees reporting inadequate food, regular beatings, and deprivation  of medical care; the government generally does not permit visits by  independent monitoring groups, including the International Committee of  the Red Cross. Some 65 crimes—including nonviolent offenses—carry the  death penalty. The number of executions remains a state secret but was  thought to be close to 5,000 in 2009. Recent reforms enabling the  Supreme People’s Court to review capital cases have apparently led to a  modest reduction in executions. In 2009, state-run media reported that  executed prisoners “provide the major source of [organ] transplants in  China”; some experts have also raised concerns over the possible use of  those imprisoned for their religious beliefs or ethnic identity as  sources for organs.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Security forces work closely with the CCP leadership at all levels,  and special departments under the Ministry of Public Security are  dedicated to maintaining the party’s monopoly on political power. Hired  thugs and urban management officers also engage in intimidation and  abuse of petitioners, protesters, and whistleblowers. During 2009, the  CCP significantly expanded its network of extralegal “stability  maintenance” offices, including at the neighborhood level and in some  enterprises. As part of their mandate, these agencies are tasked with  suppressing the peaceful exercise of basic civil liberties.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In April 2009, the government published its first National Human  Rights Action Plan, outlining measures that, if implemented, would lead  to improvements in human rights protection. However, observers  questioned its likely impact given that it imposed no specific  obligations or envisioned any change in trajectory from the regime’s  current priorities or ongoing systemic abuses.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, political indoctrination  programs, curbs on Muslim religious practice, and policies marginalizing  the use of Uighur language in education intensified throughout 2009.  The government continued decade-old policies to alter the region’s  demography, offering incentives to ethnic Han to move to the area and  instituting a program to transfer Uighur laborers, sometimes by force,  to work in other parts of China. In February, the government began a  project to demolish most buildings in the historic core of the city of  Kashgar and resettle some 200,000 Uighur residents. On July 5, police  forcibly suppressed a peaceful demonstration in Urumqi by Uighurs  voicing frustration over the limited investigation into the deaths of  Uighur factory workers in a brawl with Han employees in southern China.  The police action—which according to Amnesty International included  using tear gas and shooting with live ammunition into crowds of peaceful  protesters—sparked an outbreak of violence between Uighurs and Han  residents. State-run media reported that 197 people were killed, but the  details of events that day could not be fully verified due to tight  government control of information and the intimidation of witnesses. The  July 5 clashes were followed by a harsh crackdown that included  large-scale “disappearances” of Uighurs, imprisonment and execution of  Uighurs and some Han residents following questionable legal proceedings,  and an almost complete shutdown of internet access in the region that  remained in effect for several months. Among those detained were the  managers of websites reporting on Uighur issues. A state propaganda  campaign vilifying Uighurs and the U.S.-based Uighur activist Rebiya  Kadeer fueled further ethnic tensions and increased discrimination  against Uighurs throughout the country.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Minorities, the disabled, and people with HIV/AIDS or Hepatitis B  face severe societal discrimination. In a positive development, a court  ruled in October 2009 that mandatory Hepatitis B testing violated the  2008 Employment Promotion Law. A household registration, or hukou,  system remains in place, mostly affecting China’s 150 million internal  migrants. Some local governments have experimented with reforms to allow  greater mobility, but citizens continue to face restrictions on  changing employers or residence, and many migrants are unable to fully  access social services as a result. Other restrictions on freedom of  movement remained substantial during 2009, as the authorities imposed  lockdowns on Beijing and neighboring provinces surrounding the  Octoberanniversary. Dissidents were restricted from traveling abroad or  placed under house arrest, particularly around the June anniversary and  during U.S. President Barack Obama’s visit in November. Law enforcement  agencies continued to seek out and repatriate North Korean refugees, who  face imprisonment or execution upon return. In August, a court in Inner  Mongolia sentenced two Chinese citizens to 7 and 10 years in prison for  helping 61 North Korean refugees cross into neighboring Mongolia.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Despite a growing body of property rights legislation, protection  remains weak in practice, and all land is formally owned by the state.  Tens of thousands of forced evictions and illegal land confiscations  occurred in 2009, generally to provide land for private development,  state-led infrastructure projects, or upcoming international events such  as the World Expo in Shanghai. Residents who resist eviction, seek  legal redress, or organize protests face violence at the hands of local  police or hired thugs. In May 2009, over 1,000 villagers in Hunan  reportedly clashed with police after a local man was beaten to death by  security guards for a company that had begun building on confiscated  land. Reforms to rural land use announced at the end of 2008 were put on  hold in 2009, ostensibly due to the economic downturn.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>China’s policy of allowing only one child per couple remains in  place, though many rural families are allowed a second child if the  first is female. Although compulsory abortion and sterilization by local  officials are less common than in the past, they still occur fairly  frequently. According to official websites, authorities in some areas of  Yunnan and Fujian mandated the use of abortion in 2009, while in other  provinces officials imposed fines on families that resisted the  one-child policy. These controls and a cultural preference for boys have  led to sex-selective abortion and a general shortage of females,  exacerbating the problem of human trafficking.</p>
	</div>
	</div>
	<div>Domestic violence and sexual harassment affect one-third of Chinese  families, according to statistics published in November 2008 by the  CCP-controlled All-China Women’s Federation. The government has taken  steps in recent years to improve the legal framework related to violence  against women, but implementation remains weak. The case of female  hotel worker Deng Yujiao, who killed a local official as he tried to  rape her in May 2009, drew public sympathy and stimulated discussion of  the need to protect women’s rights.</div>
	<h2>Tibet (2010)</h2>
	<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="100%">
	<tbody>
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	<tr>
	<td>Capital:  					N/A</p>
	<p>Population:  					5,300,000</td>
	</tr>
	</tbody>
	</table>
	<p>Political Rights Score: 7<br />
Civil Liberties Score: 7<br />
Status: Not Free</p>
	<h3>Explanatory Note</h3>
	<div>
	<div>This  population figure from China’s 2000 census includes 2.4 million Tibetans  living in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and 2.9 million Tibetans  living in areas of eastern Tibet that were incorporated into various  Chinese provinces.</div>
	</div>
	<h3>Overview</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
	<div><strong><strong>Although Tibet was more accessible to  tourists and journalists for parts of the year, the high level of  repression established in 2008 was generally maintained in 2009,  particularly ahead of politically sensitive anniversaries. There were  few large-scale demonstrations, though many Tibetans resorted to passive  protest tactics, such as a farming boycott and abstention from Tibetan  New Year celebrations. At least 715 political and religious prisoners  reportedly remained in custody as of September. In October, three  Tibetans were executed, marking the first use of the death penalty in  the territory since 2003. Talks between the government and  representatives of the Dalai Lama did not resume in 2009. Instead the  authorities continued ideological indoctrination campaigns and the  vilification of the Dalai Lama through official rhetoric.</strong></strong></div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<div><hr /></div>
	</div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p>The eastern portions of Tibetan-populated areas were gradually  incorporated into various Chinese provinces over several centuries. The  Tibetan plateau was ruled by a Dalai Lama in the early 20th century  until the People’s Liberation Army invaded Tibet in 1950, defeating the  local army. In 1951, the Chinese Communist Party formally extended  control over the Tibetan plateau. This territory was designated as the  Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) in 1965.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In 1959, Chinese troops suppressed a major uprising in Lhasa in  which tens of thousands of people were reportedly killed. Tibet’s  spiritual and political leader—the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso—was  forced to flee to India with some 80,000 supporters. During the next six  years, China closed 97 percent of the region’s Buddhist monasteries and  defrocked more than 100,000 monks and nuns. During the Chinese Cultural  Revolution (1966–76), nearly all of Tibet’s estimated 6,200 monasteries  were destroyed.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Under reforms introduced in 1980, religious practice was allowed  again—with restrictions—and tourism was permitted in certain areas.  Beginning in 1987, some 200 mostly peaceful demonstrations were mounted  in Lhasa and surrounding areas. After antigovernment protests escalated  in March 1989, martial law was imposed; it was not lifted until May  1990.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In the 1990s, Beijing reinvigorated efforts to control religious  affairs and undermine the exiled Dalai Lama’s authority. Six-year-old  Gendun Choekyi Nyima was detained by the authorities in 1995, and his  selection by the Dalai Lama as the 11th Panchen Lama was rejected; he  has not been seen since. Beijing then orchestrated the selection of  another six-year-old boy as the Panchen Lama. Since one of the roles of  the Panchen Lama is to identify the reincarnated Dalai Lama, the move  was seen as a bid by Beijing to control the eventual selection of the  15th Dalai Lama. China hosted envoys of the Dalai Lama in 2002, the  first formal contacts since 1993. The Tibetan government-in-exile sought  to negotiate genuine autonomy for Tibet, particularly to ensure the  survival of its Buddhist culture, but no progress was made during  subsequent rounds of dialogue. Meanwhile, other Tibetan exile groups  have increasingly demanded independence.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Under Zhang Qingli, who was appointed as secretary of the Chinese  Communist Party (CCP) in the TAR in 2005, the authorities amplified  their repressive policies. To protest religious restrictions and the  previous arrest of several monks, 300 monks conducted a peaceful march  in Lhasa on March 10, 2008, the 49th anniversary of the 1959 uprising;  security agents suppressed the march. A riot erupted four days later,  with Tibetans attacking Chinese—civilians as well as those suspected of  being plainclothes police—and burning Han- or Hui-owned businesses and  government offices. The authorities reported that 19 people, mostly  Chinese civilians, were killed, primarily in fires. Most observers  believed the protests and riots to have been spontaneous outbursts of  ethnic tension. Some, including prominent Chinese human rights  activists, raised concerns of official malfeasance in terms of police  not taking necessary steps to prevent violence or deliberately allowing  it to escalate. Over 150 other protests, most of them reportedly  peaceful, soon broke out in all Tibetan-populated areas of the plateau,  as well as in other provinces. The government responded with a massive  deployment of armed forces and barred entry to foreign media and  tourists. According to overseas Tibetan groups, between 100 and 218  Tibetans were killed as security forces suppressed the demonstrations.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Although the region was accessible to tourists and journalists  under special conditions for part of 2009, the high level of repression  established in 2008 was generally maintained. Security measures were  especially tight surrounding a series of politically sensitive dates.  These included the Tibetan New Year (Losar) in February and both the  50th anniversary of the 1959 uprising and the one-year mark of the 2008  protests in March. During this period, security forces increased their  presence in Lhasa, raided homes and businesses, detained hundreds of  Tibetans accused of not having permits to be in Lhasa, established  roadblocks throughout the region, and restricted access for foreign  tourists and journalists. Tight restrictions were imposed again ahead of  the 60th anniversary of CCP rule in October.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>These security efforts largely prevented major demonstrations  during the year, though several Tibetans carried out one-person  protests; most were immediately detained. Many Tibetans instead resorted  to passive methods of protest, such as participating in a farming  boycott or refusing to partake in Losar celebrations.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Talks between the government and representatives of the Dalai Lama,  which had last taken place in November 2008, did not resume in 2009.  Meanwhile, official statements, state-run media, and “patriotic  education” campaigns continued to vilify the exiled leader. Beijing also  pursued an increasingly aggressive, and often effective, policy of  pressuring foreign governments to refrain from meeting with the Dalai  Lama and to publicly express support for the official Chinese position  on Tibet.</p>
	</div>
	<p>The government’s economic development programs have disproportionately  benefited ethnic Han and a select category of Tibetans, such as  businessmen or government employees. Most other Tibetans cannot take  advantage of economic development and related opportunities for  higher education and employment. The development activity has also  increased Han migration and stoked Tibetan fears of cultural  assimilation.</p>
	</div>
	</div>
	</div>
	<h3>Political Rights and Civil Liberties</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p>The Chinese government rules Tibet through administration of the  TAR and 10 Tibetan autonomous prefectures in nearby Sichuan, Qinghai,  Gansu, and Yunnan provinces. Under the Chinese constitution, autonomous  areas have the right to formulate their own regulations and implement  national legislation in accordance with local conditions. In practice,  decision-making power is concentrated in the hands of senior CCP  officials; in the case of the TAR, Zhang Qingli, an ethnic Han, has  served as the region’s CCP secretary since 2005. The few ethnic Tibetans  who occupy senior positions serve mostly as figureheads, often echoing  official statements that condemn the Dalai Lama and emphasize Beijing’s  role in developing Tibet’s economy. Jampa Phuntsog, an ethnic Tibetan,  served as chairman of the TAR government from 2003 through the end of  2009.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Since 1960, the Dalai Lama has overseen the introduction of a  partly democratic system to the government-in-exile in Dharamsala,  India. Current institutions include a popularly elected 46-member  Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies, a Supreme Judicial Commission  overseeing civil disputes, and more recently, the direct election of a  prime minister. In 2001, Buddhist scholar and lama Samdhong Rinpoche was  chosen as prime minister and re-elected in 2006. Participating in the  polls were Tibetans in exile in India, Nepal, the United States, and  Europe; an estimated 120,000 are eligible to vote, though in practice,  voter turnout was reportedly 30 percent. Observers have noted that such  arrangements fall short of a fully democratic system due to an absence  of political parties and the ongoing role of the unelected Dalai Lama in  decision-making; a significant number in the exile community have  resisted proposals by the Dalai Lama to completely step down from his  political responsibilities, however.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Corruption is believed to be extensive in Tibet, as in the rest of  China. Nevertheless, little information was available during the year on  the scale of the problem or official measures to combat it. Tibet is  not ranked separately on Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption  Perceptions Index.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Chinese authorities control the flow of information in Tibet,  tightly restricting all media. International broadcasts are jammed.  Increased internet penetration in urban areas has provided more access  to information, but online restrictions and internet cafe surveillance  in place across China are enforced even more stringently in the TAR.  Officials repeatedly shut down mobile-telephone networks surrounding  politically sensitive dates in March 2009. Security forces have also  been known to periodically confiscate mobile phones, computers, and  other communication devices from monasteries and private homes, and to  routinely monitor calls in and out of the region. Tibetans who  transmitted information abroad often suffered repercussions, while some  internet users were arrested solely for accessing banned information. In  August, 19-year-old Pasang Norbu was reportedly detained after viewing  online images of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan flag at a Lhasa internet  cafe. In November, Kunchok Tsephel was sentenced to 15 years in prison,  on charges of “leaking state secrets,” for writings posted on a  literary website he had founded. In December, a Qinghai court sentenced  Tibetan filmmaker Dhondup Wangchen to six years in prison; he had been  detained in March after filming interviews with Tibetans for a  documentary he was making titled <em>Leaving Fear Behind</em>.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Authorities continued to restrict access to Tibet for foreign  journalists in 2009, though not as consistently as in 2008. Journalists  were denied entry throughout the year, especially around politically  sensitive dates. During other periods, journalists were required to  travel in groups, and access was contingent on prior official  permission, with Tibet being the only area of China to require such  special authorization. Residents who assisted foreign journalists were  reportedly harassed.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The authorities regularly suppress religious activities,  particularly those seen as forms of political dissent or advocacy of  Tibetan independence. Possession of Dalai Lama–related materials can  lead to official harassment and punishment. CCP members and government  employees must adhere to atheism and cannot practice a religion. The  Religious Affairs Bureaus (RABs) control who can and cannot study  religion in the monasteries and nunneries in the TAR; officials allow  only men or women over the age of 18 to become monks or nuns, and they  are required to sign a declaration rejecting Tibetan independence,  expressing loyalty to the Chinese government, and denouncing the Dalai  Lama. Regulations announced in 2007 require government approval for the  recognition and education of reincarnated teachers. The government  manages the daily operations of monasteries through Democratic  Management Committees (DMCs) and the RABs. Only monks and nuns deemed  loyal to the CCP may lead DMCs and laypeople have also been appointed to  these committees. Since 2008, monasteries in Kardze (Ganzi in Chinese)  have been required to have a police station within their confines.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Since March 2008, the authorities have intensified ideological  education campaigns that had been conducted sporadically since 1996 and  began to escalate after Zhang Qingli’s appointment in 2005. According to  official statements, over 2,300 officials had been sent out to 505  monasteries across the TAR by March 2009 to carry out “patriotic  education” programs among monks and nuns. The campaign had been extended  beyond monasteries to reach Tibet’s general population in 2008, forcing  students, civil servants, farmers, and merchants to recognize the CCP  claim that China “liberated” Tibet and to denounce the Dalai Lama. Monks  and nuns who refuse face expulsion from monasteries or nunneries, while  others risk loss of employment, or arrest.In a move that further  reinforced the CCP’s version of Tibetan history, the government  designated March 28 as a new holiday called Serf Emancipation Day.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>University professors cannot lecture on certain topics, and many  must attend political indoctrination sessions. The government restricts  course materials to prevent the circulation of unofficial versions of  Tibetan history.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Freedoms of assembly and association are severely restricted in  practice. Independent trade unions, civic groups, and human rights  groups are illegal, and even nonviolent protests are harshly punished.  Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) focusing on development and health  care operate under highly restrictive agreements. Domestic groups that  challenge government policy on Tibet risk punishment. In July 2009, the  authorities shut down the Beijing-based Open Constitution Initiative, a  prominent legal-aid NGO, shortly after it published a report attributing  the March 2008 protests to legitimate Tibetan grievances, thereby  challenging the official line that the unrest was masterminded by  external actors.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Despite the risks, Tibetans continued to seek avenues for  peacefully expressing dissent in 2009. In the first large gathering  since the 2008 protests, at least 100 people marched peacefully in Lhasa  to assert religious freedom; six Tibetans were reportedly detained for  several days for participating. Smaller or even one-person  demonstrations were more common, though in most cases participants were  immediately arrested. Tibetans also staged passive protests, such as a  widespread boycott of Losar celebrations in February. In Kardze (Ganzi  in Chinese) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, farmers expressed disapproval  of the post–March 2008 crackdown by refusing to till their land.  Authorities responded with eviction threats, and at least one individual  reportedly died after being beaten by police for putting up posters  supporting the farming boycott.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The judicial system in Tibet remains abysmal. Defendants lack  access to meaningful legal representation, and trials are closed if  state security is invoked. Chinese lawyers who offer to defend Tibetan  suspects have been harassed or disbarred. Security forces routinely  engage in detention without due process and torture. Tibetan human  rights groups and Amnesty International documented at least five  Tibetans who reportedly died in custody, or immediately after release,  as a result of torture in 2009. In the first executions in Tibet since  2003, three people were put to death in October for their role in the  2008 protests. Widespread and arbitrary arrests continued in 2009,  though not on the same scale as in 2008. Due to government restrictions  on prison access for independent monitors, precise figures of Tibetan  detainees were unavailable. However, a partial list of political  prisoners published by the U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on  China included 715 Tibetans as of September 2009, the vast majority of  whom were arrested on or after March 10, 2008.</p>
	<p>The deployment of an estimated 70,000 soldiers and the erection of  roadblocks following the March 2008 protests exacerbated already severe  restrictions on freedom of movement. Similar measures were employed  sporadically during 2009, particularly surrounding the politically  sensitive anniversaries. Increased security efforts kept the number of  Tibetans who successfully crossed the border into Nepal at around 500 in  2009, compared with over 2,000 in 2007.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>As members of an officially recognized “minority” group, Tibetans  receive preferential treatment in university admissions. However, the  dominant role of the Chinese language in education and employment limits  opportunities for many Tibetans. The illiteracy rate among Tibetans, at  over 47 percent, remains five times greater than that among ethnic Han.  Private-sector employers favor ethnic Han for many jobs, especially in  urban areas. Tibetans find it more difficult than Han residents to  obtain permits and loans to open businesses. General discrimination  increased after the 2008 riots, as television broadcasts showed footage  of Tibetans attacking Han residents and burning down Han and Hui  businesses.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The authorities have intensified efforts to forcibly resettle  traditionally nomadic Tibetan herders in permanent-housing areas with no  provisions for income generation. According to official reports, in  2008 the government relocated some 312,000 Tibetan farmers and herders  to housing projects. A program to resettle a further 57,000 herders  would reportedly be completed in 2010.</p>
	</div>
	<div>China’s restrictive family-planning policies are more leniently  enforced for Tibetans and other ethnic minorities than for ethnic Han.  Officials limit urban Tibetans to having two children and encourage—but  do not usually require—rural Tibetans to stop at three children.</div>
	</div>
	<h2>Hong Kong (2010)</h2>
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	<table id="country_table" border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="130" align="left">
	<tbody>
	<tr>
	<td>Capital:  					N/A</p>
	<p>Population:  					7,037,000</td>
	</tr>
	</tbody>
	</table>
	<p>Political Rights Score: 5<br />
Civil Liberties Score: 2<br />
Status: Partly Free</p>
	<h3>Overview</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
	<div>
	<div><strong><strong>A record 150,000 people attended a candlelight vigil in  June 2009 to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the massacre in which  Chinese security forces crushed prodemocracy protests in Beijing and  other cities. In November, the Hong Kong government proposed reforms to  the electoral system. The plan included expansions of the legislature  and the election committee that chooses the chief executive, but would  largely preserve the existing semidemocratic system. Separately,  Beijing’s growing influence over Hong Kong’s media landscape and  immigration policies was evident during the year.</strong></strong></div>
	</div>
	<p><strong> </strong><strong> </strong></p>
	<hr /><strong> </strong></p>
	</div>
	</div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p>Hong Kong Island was ceded in perpetuity to Britain in 1842;  adjacent territories were subsequently added, and the last section was  leased to Britain in 1898 for a period of 99 years. In the 1984  Sino-British Joint Declaration, London agreed to restore the entire  colony to China in 1997. In return, Beijing—under its “one country, two  systems” formula—pledged to maintain the enclave’s legal, political, and  economic autonomy for 50 years.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Under the 1984 agreement, a constitution for the Hong Kong Special  Administrative Region (SAR), known as the Basic Law, took effect in  1997. Stating that universal suffrage was the “ultimate aim” for Hong  Kong, the Basic Law allowed direct elections for only 18 seats in the  60-member legislature, known as the Legislative Council (Legco), with  the gradual expansion of elected seats to 30 by 2003. After China took  control, it temporarily suspended the Legco and installed a provisional  legislature that repealed or tightened several civil liberties laws  during its 10-month tenure.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Tung Chee-hwa was chosen as Hong Kong’s chief executive by a  Beijing-organized election committee in 1997, and his popularity waned  as Beijing became increasingly involved in Hong Kong’s affairs, raising  fears that civic freedoms would be compromised. Officials were forced to  withdraw a restrictive antisubversion bill—Basic Law Article 23—after  it sparked massive protests in July 2003.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Pro-Beijing parties retained control of the Legco in 2004  elections, which were marred by intimidation that was thought to have  been organized by Beijing. In 2005, with two years left to serve, the  deeply unpopular Tung resigned. He was replaced by career civil servant  Donald Tsang, who China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) decided would  serve out the remainder of Tung’s term before facing election. In 2007,  Hong Kong held competitive elections for chief executive after  democracy supporters on the 800-member election committee nominated a  second candidate, Alan Leong. However, Tsang won a new term by a wide  margin, garnering 82 percent of the votes in the mostly pro-Beijing  committee.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Pro-Beijing parties again won Legco elections in September 2008,  taking 30 seats, although few of those members were elected by popular  vote. The prodemocracy camp won 23 seats, including 19 by popular vote,  enabling them to retain a veto over proposed constitutional reforms.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In November 2009, the government published a consultation document  on proposed electoral reforms for the 2012 polls that would ostensibly  serve as a transitional arrangement until the anticipated adoption of  universal suffrage in 2017 for the chief executive and 2020 for the  Legco. The system outlined in the plan did not represent substantive  progress toward full democracy. Observers noted that the Hong Kong  government’s reluctance to make more drastic changes was partly due to  restrictions imposed by several decisions of China’s National People’s  Congress (NPC) Standing Committee, the most recent in 2007, and the  requirement that any reforms obtain its approval. At year’s end, the  proposal remained open for public consultation, and Tsang was expected  to submit a draft to the Legco in February 2010.</p>
	</div>
	<p>Beijing’s growing influence over Hong Kong’s media landscape and  immigration policies remained evident during 2009. However, partly in  response to comments by Tsang in which he downplayed the 1989 Tiananmen  Square massacre, a record turnout of 150,000 people joined an annual  candlelight vigil in June to commemorate the incident, in which Chinese  security forces had crushed prodemocracy protests in Beijing and other  cities. Public events marking the anniversary were not permitted in the  rest of China.</p>
	</div>
	</div>
	</div>
	<h3>Political Rights and Civil Liberties</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p>Hong Kong’s Basic Law calls for the election of a chief executive  and a unicameral Legislative Council (Legco). The chief executive is  elected by an 800-member committee: some 200,000 “functional  constituency” voters—representatives of various elite business and  social sectors, many with close ties to Beijing—elect 600 members, and  the remaining 200 consist of Legco members, Hong Kong delegates to the  NPC, religious representatives, and 41 members of the Chinese People’s  Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), a mainland advisory body. The  chief executive serves a five-year term.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The Legco consists of 30 directly elected members and 30 members  chosen by the functional constituency voters. Legco members serve  four-year terms. The Basic Law restricts the Legco’s lawmaking powers,  prohibiting legislators from introducing bills that would affect Hong  Kong’s public spending, governmental operations, or political structure.  In the territory’s multiparty system, the five main parties are the  prodemocracy Democratic Party, Civic Party, and League of Social  Democrats; the pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and  Progress of Hong Kong; and the business-oriented Liberal Party.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The 2008 Legco elections were procedurally free and fair, but the  semidemocratic structure of the legislature meant that the prodemocracy  camp remained a minority despite winning nearly 60 percent of the  popular vote. Unlike in 2004, the elections were not accompanied by  overt intimidation or threats, though indirect pressure and influence  from Beijing was nonetheless evident.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The consultation document on electoral reform introduced in  November 2009 proposed several modest changes to the current system. The  election committee for the chief executive would expand from 800 to  1,200 members, but would otherwise retain its existing composition. The  Legco would expand from 60 to 70 seats, with direct elections for five  of the new seats and the remaining five chosen indirectly by elected  members of Hong Kong’s 18 district councils. The consultation document  did not include a blueprint for adopting universal suffrage in 2017 and  2020, contravening the government’s earlier promises and heightening  fears that the transition would be pushed further into the future.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Politically motivated violence is rare in Hong Kong. However, a  total of 11 suspects—one in Hong Kong and ten in China—involved in a  2008 plot to shoot prominent prodemocracy politician Martin Lee and  media tycoon Jimmy Lai, known for his vocal criticism of the Chinese  Communist Party, received sentences of up to 18 years in prison in 2009.  The plot’s alleged mastermind was said to reside in Taiwan and remained  at large at year’s end.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Hong Kong is generally regarded as having low rates of corruption,  although business interests have considerable influence on the Legco. In  May 2009, the territory’s internationally respected Independent  Commission Against Corruption reported a 23 percent increase in graft  complaints during the first three months of the year compared with the  same period in 2008. This was widely viewed as a result of the economic  downturn, as officials were more inclined to engage in graft to  compensate for personal financial losses. The right to access government  information is protected by law and observed in practice. Hong Kong was  ranked 12 out of 180 countries surveyed in Transparency International’s  2009 Corruption Perceptions Index.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Under Article 27 of the Basic Law, Hong Kong residents enjoy  freedoms of speech, press, and publication. These rights are generally  respected in practice, and political debate is vigorous. There are  dozens of daily newspapers, and residents have access to international  radio broadcasts and satellite television. International media  organizations operate without interference. Nonetheless, Beijing’s  growing influence over the media, book publishing, and film industries  in recent years has led to self-censorship, particularly on issues  deemed sensitive by the central government. This influence stems in part  from the close relationship between Hong Kong media owners and the  central authorities; at least 10 such owners sit on the CPPCC. In one  incident during 2009, managers of the Hong Kong edition of <em>Esquire</em> magazine barred the publication of a 16-page feature about the  Tiananmen Square massacre, and the feature’s author was subsequently  fired. More broadly, the Hong Kong Journalists’ Association reported  that “only two or three newspapers devoted significant coverage to the  anniversary, while leading TV stations aired just a few special  programs, with some appearing to follow [the Communist Party’s] line.”</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Hong Kong journalists face a number of restrictions when covering  events on the mainland. In February 2009, Chinese authorities issued  regulations requiring Hong Kong journalists to obtain temporary press  cards from Beijing’s liaison office prior to each reporting trip to the  mainland, and to secure the prior consent of interviewees. While  violence against journalists is rare in Hong Kong, reporters from the  territory have repeatedly faced surveillance, intimidation, beatings,  and occasional imprisonment when reporting on the mainland. In  September, three journalists—a television reporter and two  cameramen—were reportedly detained and beaten by police while covering  unrest in Xinjiang. An official Chinese investigation concluded that the  journalists had been at fault for “instigating protests,” prompting a  demonstration and a petition by hundreds of Hong Kong journalists.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The Hong Kong government, rather than an independent regulator,  controls media licensing in the territory. Authorities continued to  obstruct broadcasts by the prodemocracy station Citizens’ Radio in 2009,  after its license application was rejected in 2006. In November and  December, more than a dozen prodemocracy activists and lawmakers were  fined between US$125 and US$1,500 each for participating in unlicensed  radio broadcasts, though one of the judges ruling on the case  acknowledged the act of civil disobedience as “noble.” Separately, in  September, the government rejected proposals to convert the state-owned  but editorially independent Radio Television Hong Kong (RTHK) into a  fully independent public broadcaster, or to create such an outlet.  Officials instead announced the creation of a government-appointed board  to advise RTHK’s director of broadcasting, potentially curbing the  station’s editorial autonomy. A period for public consultation on the  issue began in October and had not concluded by year’s end.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The Basic Law provides for freedom of religion, which is generally  respected in practice. Religious groups are excluded from the Societies  Ordinance, which requires nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to  register with the government. Adherents of the Falun Gong spiritual  movement remain free to practice in the territory and hold occasional  demonstrations despite facing repression on the mainland. University  professors can write and lecture freely, and political debate on  campuses is lively.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The Basic Law guarantees freedoms of assembly and association.  Police permits for demonstrations are required but rarely denied, and  protests on politically sensitive issues are held regularly.  In June  2009, a record 150,000 people participated in a candlelight vigil to  mark the 20th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre.  Nevertheless, outside activists who planned to participate in events  highlighting rights abuses in China continued to be denied entry or  prevented from leaving the mainland in 2009.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Hong Kong hosts a vibrant and largely unfettered NGO sector, and  trade unions are independent. However, there is limited legal protection  for basic labor rights. Collective-bargaining rights are not  recognized, protections against antiunion discrimination are weak, and  there are few regulations on working hours and wages. While strikes are  legal and several occurred in 2009, many workers sign contracts stating  that walkouts could be grounds for summary dismissal.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The judiciary is independent, and the trial process is fair. The  NPC reserves the right to make final interpretations of the Basic Law,  effectively limiting the power of Hong Kong’s Court of Final Appeals.  While the NPC has not directly intervened in court cases for a number of  years, several recent incidents raised concerns about growing influence  from Beijing over law enforcement matters. In 2008, U.S.-based  Tiananmen Square activist Zhou Yongjun was detained while visiting Hong  Kong on a fake Malaysian passport, and in an unusual move, he was handed  over to authorities on the mainland. He was tried there on bank fraud  charges in 2009, although it remained unclear whether he or the person  named on the fake passport was wanted by the authorities; a verdict was  pending at year’s end. Also in 2009, Hong Kong officials decided not to  prosecute family members and acquaintances of Zimbabwean president  Robert Mugabe, a close Beijing ally, after they physically assaulted  several foreign journalists. Chief justice Andrew Li Kwok-nang, who has  headed the judiciary since the handover, announced his retirement in  September 2009; at year’s end, observers were watching to see who would  be his successor and whether that individual would uphold the same  standards of independence.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Police are forbidden by law to employ torture and other forms of  abuse. However, official figures indicated that police conducted over  1,600 strip searches in 2008, leading to the adoption in February 2009  of additional measures to monitor and limit the use of such searches.  Arbitrary arrest and detention are illegal; suspects must be charged  within 48 hours of their arrest. Prison conditions generally meet  international standards.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Citizens are treated equally under the law, though Hong Kong’s  population of 200,000 foreign domestic workers remains vulnerable to  abuse, and South Asians routinely complain of discrimination in  employment. Since foreign workers face deportation if dismissed, many  are reluctant to bring complaints against employers. A Race  Discrimination Ordinance that took effect in July 2009 created an  independent Equal Opportunities Commission to enforce its protections.  However, in September the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial  Discrimination criticized the ordinance for failing to cover certain  government actions, neglecting the issue of indirect discrimination, and  effectively excluding immigrants.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The government does not control travel, choice of residence, or  employment within Hong Kong, although documents are required to travel  to the mainland, and employers must apply to bring in workers from  China; direct applications from workers are not accepted. Hong Kong  maintains its own immigration system. In September 2009, an appeals  court criticized the government for lack of candor and destruction of  relevant documents in a lawsuit challenging the denial of entry to four  Taiwanese Falun Gong practitioners in 2003; however, the court was  reluctant to conclude that the immigration department had acted in an  unlawful fashion in denying the plaintiffs’ entry. FiveLegco members and  several human rights activists from Hong Kong were barred entry to  Macau in March 2009, shortly after that territory passed new national  security legislation; many of those affected are regularly barred from  the mainland as well.</p>
	</div>
	<div>Women are protected by law from discrimination and abuse and are  entitled to equal access to schooling, as well as to property in divorce  settlements. However, women continue to face discrimination in  employment opportunities, salary, inheritance, and welfare. Despite  robust efforts by the government, Hong Kong remains a point of transit  and destination for persons trafficked for sexual exploitation or forced  labor.</div>
	</div>
	<h2>Taiwan (2010)</h2>
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	<table id="country_table" border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" width="130" align="left">
	<tbody>
	<tr>
	<td>Capital:  					Taipei</p>
	<p>Population:  					23,079,000</td>
	</tr>
	</tbody>
	</table>
	<p>Political Rights Score: 1<br />
Civil Liberties Score: 2<br />
Status: Free</p>
	<h3>Ratings Change</h3>
	<div>
	<div>Taiwan’s political  rights rating improved from 2 to 1 due to enforcement of anticorruption  laws, including the prosecution of former high-ranking officials.  However, the country’s civil liberties rating declined from 1 to 2 due  to flaws in the protection of criminal defendants’ rights and  limitations on academic freedom, including passage of a law restraining  scholars at public educational facilities from participating in certain  political activities.</div>
	</div>
	<h3>Overview</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
	<div><strong><strong>Former president Chen Shui-bian of the  Democratic Progressive Party was sentenced to life in prison on  corruption charges in September 2009, though some observers raised  concerns over flaws in the handling of his and other corruption cases.  Following criticism of the government’s response to Typhoon Morakot,  Prime Minister Liu Chao-shiuan resigned in September. The Kuomintang  government continued to improve relations with China during the year,  leading to Taiwanese participation in UN-affiliated institutions for the  first time since 1971. However, </strong><strong>there were also  growing concerns over restrictions on free expression, including  limitations on academic freedom and pressure to limit criticism of  Taiwanese and Chinese government policy.</strong></strong></div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<div><strong> </strong></p>
	<hr /><strong> </strong></div>
	</div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p>Taiwan, also referred to sometimes as the Republic of China (ROC),  became home to the Chinese nationalist Kuomintang (KMT)  government-in-exile in 1949. Although the island is independent in all  but name, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) considers it a renegade  province and has threatened to take military action if de jure  independence is declared.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Taiwan’s transition to democracy began in 1987, when the KMT ended  38 years of martial law. In 1988, Lee Teng-hui became the first native  Taiwanese president, breaking the mainland emigres’ stranglehold on  politics. The media were liberalized and opposition political parties  legalized in 1989. Lee oversaw Taiwan’s first full multiparty  legislative elections in 1991–92 and the first direct presidential  election in 1996.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Chen Shui-bian’s victory in the 2000 presidential race, as a  candidate of the proindependence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP),  ended 55 years of KMT rule. Chen narrowly won reelection in March 2004,  but the KMT-led opposition retained its majority in the Legislative Yuan  (LY) in parliamentary elections later that year, and political gridlock  between the executive and legislative branches continued.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The KMT secured an overwhelming majority in the January 2008  legislative elections, taking 81 of 113 seats. The DPP took 27, and the  remainder went to independents and smaller parties. The polls were the  first to be held under a new electoral system. The fact that the KMT and  DPP respectively secured 72 percent and 24 percent of the seats after  winning 51 percent and 37 percent of the votes prompted some calls for a  reexamination of the reforms. Taipei mayor Ma Ying-jeou of the KMT won  the March presidential election, defeating the DPP’s Frank Hsieh by a  16-point margin. Both elections were deemed generally free and fair, and  an improvement over the 2004 polls, by international observers. They  also marked the island’s second peaceful, democratic transfer of power.  The DPP’s poor showing was attributed to voters’ economic concerns,  frustration at political gridlock, wariness of the DPP’s proindependence  policies, and recent corruption scandals involving Chen and other top  officials.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Chen was indicted in December 2008, after his immunity had expired,  and in September 2009 he was sentenced to life in prison for  embezzlement, money laundering, and bribery. Some observers viewed the  case as a milestone for the rule of law. However, there were also  concerns raised over irregularities and possible political bias,  including Chen’s detention before and during trial, prosecutorial leaks  to the media, and disciplinary charges against his defense counsel.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The KMT government’s popularity was hurt during 2009 by the effects  of the global economic downturn, although the economy had begun to  recover by year’s end. Separately, Prime Minister Liu Chao-shiuan was  replaced by former KMT secretary general Wu Den-yih in September amidst a  broader cabinet reshuffle after the government drew criticism for its  slow response to Typhoon Morakot. The natural disaster caused over 500  deaths and hundreds of millions of dollars in damage in August.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The DPP won an important parliamentary by-election in September,  giving it a quarter of the LY and increased oversight powers, including  the ability to petition the Constitutional Court for interpretations of  the validity of official policies and actions. The KMT retained a  majority of the contested posts in December local elections, but the DPP  made notable gains.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The Ma administration continued its policy of establishing closer  relations with the PRC government in 2009. Bilateral talks led to  agreements on mutual judicial and law enforcement assistance, loosened  Taiwanese restrictions on mainland investment, and the removal of PRC  objections to Taiwan’s participation—with observer status under the name  “Chinese Taipei”—in the World Health Assembly. This enabled Taiwanese  representatives to partake in a UN specialized agency event for the  first time since 1971.</p>
	</div>
	<p>Though many Taiwanese supported improved economic ties with China, critics  argued that the administration was conceding elements of Taiwan’s  sovereignty, moving too quickly, and acting with minimal transparency.  Several incidents during 2009 stoked fears that growing economic and  diplomatic reliance on the PRC would increase pressure to self-censor on  issues Beijing deemed sensitive or important. For example, the  government in September refused to issue a visa to Rebiya Kadeer, a  prominent advocate for the rights of China’s Uighur minority. Meanwhile,  Beijing maintained an aggressive legal and military stance on the  prospect of eventual Taiwanese independence; an estimated 1,300 missiles  remained aimed at the island at year’s end.</p>
	</div>
	</div>
	</div>
	<h3>Political Rights and Civil Liberties</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p>Taiwan is an electoral democracy. The 1946 constitution, adopted  while the KMT was in power on the mainland, created a unique structure  with five branches of government (<em>yuan</em>). The president, who is  directly elected for up to two four-year terms, wields executive power,  appoints the prime minister, and can dissolve the legislature. The  Executive Yuan, or cabinet, consists of ministers appointed by the  president on the recommendation of the prime minister. The prime  minister is responsible to the national legislature (Legislative Yuan),  which, under constitutional amendments that took effect in 2008,  consists of 113 members serving four-year terms; 73 are elected in  single-member districts, and 34 are chosen through nationwide  proportional representation. The six remaining members are chosen by  indigenous people. The three other branches of government are the  judiciary (Judicial Yuan), a watchdog body (Control Yuan), and a branch  responsible for civil service examinations (Examination Yuan).</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The two main political parties are the proindependence DPP and the  Chinese nationalist KMT, which hold a combined 108 of 113 legislative  seats and dominate the political landscape. Opposition parties are  generally able to function freely, as indicated by the DPP’s relatively  strong performance in the December 2009 local elections. Nevertheless,  there were credible reports during the year of increased political  pressure on government critics and individuals whose activities could  displease the Chinese authorities.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Though significantly less pervasive than in the past, corruption  remains a feature of political life and an ongoing problem in the  security forces. In 2009, the authorities took additional measures to  enforce anticorruption laws, resulting in the prosecution of former top  officials and the removal of four legislators from office due to  vote-buying. Former president Chen Shui-bian and his wife were sentenced  in September to life in prison on charges of embezzlement and money  laundering; an appeal was pending at year’s end.The authorities also  launched investigations of over 200 candidates for alleged vote-buying  in the December local elections. Though several KMT members were  investigated or punished during the year, some observers raised concerns  about selective prosecution of DPP politicians. Among other  high-profile cases, a retired high-ranking military officer was indicted  in April on bribery and blackmail charges, and five police officers  were convicted in December of accepting bribes from casino operators,  receiving terms ranging from 12 to 20 years in prison.Taiwan was ranked  37 out of 180 countries surveyed in Transparency International’s 2009  Corruption Perceptions Index.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>In March 2009, Taiwan ratified two UN human rights treaties—the  International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the  International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights—and  passed an implementing law allowing two years to bring relevant  regulations and practice into line with the treaties. The United Nations  in June refused to formally accept the ratifications, citing the PRC as  the only recognized representative of China.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The Taiwanese media reflect a diversity of views and report  aggressively on government policies and corruption allegations. Given  that most Taiwanese can access about 100 cable television stations, the  state’s influence on the media is, on balance, minimal. However, reforms  and personnel changes at publicly owned media since 2008 have raised  concerns about politicization. A former spokesperson for President Ma  Ying-jeou’s electoral campaign was appointed as deputy president of the  Central News Agency (CNA) in late 2008, and CNA staff reported receiving  directives to alter certain content. Local and international observers  noted that criticism of the government in subsequent CNA coverage was  markedly toned down. In 2009, legislation requiring government approval  of Public Television Service programming was dropped after public  protests. However, local press freedom advocates and the Control Yuan  criticized subsequent government measures to expand the service’s board  and replace its management.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Actions by private media owners, economic pressures resulting from  the global financial crisis, and potential PRC influence on free  expression were also of concern in 2009. Most private news outlets are  seen as sympathetic to one of the two main political parties. Observers  reported an increase in paid news placements in print and electronic  media during the year. After a businessman with mainland commercial  interests purchased the China Times Group in late 2008, several  incidents raised concerns of increased editorial pressure to soften  criticism of the Ma administration and Beijing; in June 2009, the  company threatened to sue several journalists and press freedom  advocates for defamation over criticism of its actions in a dispute with  the National Communications Commission. In September, the Kaohsiung  Film Festival came under pressure—albeit unsuccessful—to not screen a  documentary about exiled Uighur rights activist Rebiya Kadeer for fear  that it could indirectly harm growing tourism from the mainland. There  are generally no restrictions on the internet, which was accessed by  over 65 percent of the population in 2009.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Taiwanese of all faiths can worship freely. Religious organizations  that choose to register with the government receive tax-exempt status.  Despite pressure from Beijing, the government in September 2009 allowed  the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama, to visit the island and  participate in memorial services for victims of Typhoon Morakot.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Although Taiwanese educators can generally write and lecture  freely, the ability of scholars to engage in political activism outside  the classroom came under pressure in 2009. The LY in July 2009 passed  the Act Governing the Administrative Impartiality of Public Officials,  which contained provisions restraining scholars at public academic  facilities from participating in certain political activities. In  addition, two professors known for their involvement in human rights  groups faced prosecution for organizing peaceful protests surrounding  the 2008 visit of a Chinese envoy; the cases were still pending at  year’s end.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Freedom of assembly is generally respected, and several large-scale  demonstrations took place during 2009. Nevertheless, adherents of the  Falun Gong spiritual movement, which is persecuted in China,  occasionally faced pressure from local authorities to limit their  protests at sites frequented by Chinese tourists. Unlike during his 2008  visit, demonstrations during Chinese envoy Chen Yunlin’s December 2009  trip to Taiwan passed without significant violence between police and  protesters. In May, the Control Yuan urged disciplinary measures against  Taipei’s police chief and precinct captain for police misconduct during  the 2008 clashes, but some observers criticized the body’s decision not  to impeach any officials.The Parade and Assembly Law includes  restrictions on demonstration locations and permit requirements for  outdoor meetings. Although permits are generally granted, at least 26  people were under investigation in 2009 for allegedly failing to obtain a  permit or obey police orders to disperse. All civic organizations must  register with the government, though registration is freely granted.  Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) focusing on human rights, social  welfare, and the environment are active and operate without harassment.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Trade unions are independent, and most workers enjoy freedom of  association. However, government employees and defense-industry workers  are barred from joining unions or bargaining collectively. According to  the U.S. State Department’s 2009 human rights report, unions may be  dissolved if their activities “disturb public order,” while other  restrictions undermine collective bargaining and make it difficult to  strike legally. The number of labor disputes increased in 2009 amid the  economic downturn. Taiwan’s 350,000 foreign workers are not covered by  the Labor Standards Law or represented by unions, and many decline to  report abuses for fear of deportation.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The judiciary is independent and trials are generally fair.  However, prominent cases in 2009 exposed flaws in the protection of  criminal defendants’ rights. Several suspects were detained for extended  periods prior to conviction, including former president Chen, who was  held in custody throughout the year as his trial proceeded. Legal  experts also noted other irregularities in Chen’s case, including  government efforts to pursue disciplinary measures against his counsel  for comments to the media. Prosecutorial leaks to the media continued  during the year, sullying defendants’ reputations before trial and  conviction. The legal system partially responded to shortcomings in  Chen’s case, as the Grand Council of Justices ruled in January that  prosecutors’ recording of meetings between the defendant and his counsel  was unconstitutional.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Police largely respect the ban on arbitrary detention, and suspects  are allowed attorneys during interrogations to prevent abuse. However,  three defendants in the high-profile Lu Cheng murder case, who were  allegedly tortured in the 1980s to extract a confession, continued to be  detained after 22 years as appeals proceeded. They remained in custody  at year’s end following a May 2009 High Court ruling. An estimated 187  criminal cases in Taiwan have lasted over 10 years. Although no  executions have been carried out since 2005, 44 people remained on death  row at year’s end. Searches without warrants are allowed only in  particular circumstances, and a 1999 law imposes strict punishments for  illicit wiretapping.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The constitution provides for the equality of all citizens. Apart  from the unresolved issue of ownership of ancestral lands, the rights of  indigenous people are protected by law. Six LY seats are reserved for  indigenous people, giving them representation that exceeds their share  of the population. Thousands of indigenous people were left homeless by  Typhoon Morakot, leading to their resettlement in nearby areas.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Taiwanese law does not allow for the granting of asylum or refugee  status. However, amendments to the Immigration Act in 2009 facilitated  the granting of residency certificates to over 100 Tibetans and 400  descendants of soldiers left behind in Thailand and Burma in 1949. In  December, the Executive Yuan passed a refugee draft bill; it had yet to  be debated by the legislature at year’s end.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>With the exception of civil servants and military personnel  traveling to China, freedom of movement is generally unrestricted.  Direct cross-strait air travel has expanded significantly since 2008,  though PRC tourists are required to travel in chaperoned groups within  Taiwan.</p>
	</div>
	</div>
	<div>Taiwanese women face private-sector job discrimination and lower pay  than men on average. After the 2008 elections, women held 30 percent of  the LY seats. Rape and domestic violence remain problems despite  government programs to protect women and the work of numerous NGOs to  improve women’s rights. Although authorities can pursue such cases  without the victims formally pressing charges, cultural norms inhibit  many women from reporting the crimes. Taiwan is both a source and  destination for trafficked women.In January 2009, the legislature passed  a law that specifically criminalized sex and labor trafficking while  increasing penalties for such offenses.</div>
	</div>
	<h2>Singapore (2010)</h2>
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	<td>Capital:  					Singapore</p>
	<p>Population:  					5,113,000</td>
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	<p>Political Rights Score: 5<br />
Civil Liberties Score: 4<br />
Status: Partly Free</p>
	<h3>Overview</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
	<div><strong><strong>The authorities continued to restrict  freedoms of speech and assembly in 2009. In April, Singapore’s  legislature passed a measure that would require police permission for  public assemblies of all sizes, removing a previous threshold of five or  more people. In October, the <em>Far Eastern Economic Review</em> lost  an appeal in a defamation case brought by the prime minister and his  father; the magazine agreed to settle the case in November and was  shuttered by its owners in December. </strong></strong></div>
	<p><strong> </strong></p>
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	<div><strong> </strong></p>
	<hr /><strong> </strong></div>
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	<p>The British colony of Singapore obtained home rule in 1959, entered  the Malaysian Federation in 1963, and gained full independence in 1965.  During his three decades as prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew and his  People’s Action Party (PAP) transformed the port city into a regional  financial center and exporter of high-technology goods but restricted  individual freedoms and stunted political development in the process.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Lee transferred the premiership to Goh Chok Tong in 1990 but  stayed on as “senior minister,” and the PAP retained its dominance.  Lee’s son, Lee Hsien Loong, became prime minister in 2004, and the elder  Lee assumed the title of “minister mentor.” In 2005, President Sellapan  Ramanathan began a second term as the largely ceremonial head of state.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Despite his expressed desire for a “more open society,” Lee  Hsien Loong did little to change the authoritarian political climate. He  called elections in May 2006, a year early, to secure a mandate for his  economic reform agenda. With a nine-day campaign period and defamation  lawsuits hampering opposition candidates, the polls resembled past  elections in serving more as a referendum on the prime minister’s  popularity than as an actual contest for power. The PAP retained 82 of  the 84 elected seats with 66 percent of the vote, although the  opposition offered candidates for a greater number of seats and secured a  larger percentage of the vote than in previous years. The opposition  Workers’ Party and Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA) each won a single  seat despite receiving 16.3 percent and 13 percent of the vote,  respectively.</p>
	</div>
	<p>Over the next three years, Lee continued to pursue his economic agenda  while using the legal system and other tools to keep the opposition in  check. The government also maintained that racial sensitivities and the  threat of Islamist terrorism justified draconian restrictions on  freedoms of speech and assembly. Such rules were repeatedly used to  silence criticism of the authorities. Singapore Democratic Party (SDP)  leader Chee Soon Juan faced multiple convictions and heavy fines for  defamation and other crimes in 2007 and 2008, while the <em>Far Eastern  Economic Review</em>, a 63-year-old magazine owned by the U.S.-based  News Corporation, was forced to pay some US$300,000 in November 2009 to  settle a defamation case brought by the Lees.</p>
	</div>
	</div>
	</div>
	<h3>Political Rights and Civil Liberties</h3>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<div>
	<p>Singapore is not an electoral democracy. The country is governed  through a parliamentary system, and elections are free from  irregularities and vote rigging, but the ruling PAP dominates the  political process. The prime minister retains control over the Elections  Department, and the country lacks a structurally independent election  authority. Opposition campaigns are hamstrung by a ban on political  films and television programs, the threat of libel suits, strict  regulations on political associations, and the PAP’s influence on the  media and the courts.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The largely ceremonial president is elected by popular vote for  six-year terms, and a special committee is empowered to vet candidates.  The prime minister and cabinet are appointed by the president. Singapore  has had only three prime ministers since independence. Of the  unicameral legislature’s 84 elected members, who serve five-year terms, 9  are elected from single-member constituencies, while 75 are elected in  Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs), a mechanism intended to  foster minority representation. The winner-take-all nature of the  system, however, limits the extent to which GRCs actually facilitate  minority representation and, in effect, helps perpetuate the return of  incumbents. Up to nine additional, nonpartisan members can be appointed  by the president, and up to three members can be appointed to ensure a  minimum of opposition representation.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Singapore has traditionally been lauded for its relative lack of  corruption. There is no special legislation facilitating access to  information, however, and management of state funds came under question  for the first time in 2007. Critics lamented the state’s secret  investment of national reserves, and investigations into the state  investment arm, Temasek Holdings, were launched by Indonesian and Thai  watchdog agencies. Singapore was ranked 3 out of 180 countries surveyed  in Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Singapore’s media market remains tightly constrained. All  domestic newspapers, radio stations, and television channels are owned  by government-linked companies. Although editorials and news coverage  generally support state policies, newspapers occasionally publish  critical pieces. Self-censorship is common among journalists. The  Sedition Act, in effect since the colonial period, outlaws seditious  speech, the distribution of seditious materials, and acts with  “seditious tendency.” Media including videos, music, and books are  sometimes censored, typically for sex, violence, or drug references.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Foreign broadcasters and periodicals can be restricted for  engaging in domestic politics, and regulations in place since 2006  require all foreign publications to appoint legal representatives and  provide significant financial deposits. The leadership’s practice of  using defamation suits and license revocations to silence critical media  is often applied to foreign-owned outlets. In October 2009, the <em>Far  Eastern Economic Review</em> lost its appeal of an earlier judgment  finding that it had defamed Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his  father, Lee Kuan Yew, by publishing a 2006 interview with an opposition  figure. The magazine agreed to settle the case for about US$300,000 in  November, and it was discontinued as of December 2009 by its owner, the  U.S.-based News Corporation, which cited falling revenues and  readership. The Lees have never lost a defamation case in Singapore.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The internet is widely accessible, but the authorities monitor  online material and block some content through directives to licensed  service providers. In 2008, lawyer and blogger Gopalan Nair was  sentenced to three months in jail for insulting judges on his blog and  in an e-mail message.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The constitution guarantees freedom of religion as long as its  practice does not violate any other regulations, and most groups worship  freely. However, religious actions perceived as threats to racial or  religious harmony are not tolerated, and unconventional groups like the  Jehovah’s Witnesses and the Unification Church are banned. All religious  groups are required to register with the government under the 1966  Societies Act. In October 2009, five adherents of the Falun Gong  spiritual movement, including Singapore nationals and mainland Chinese,  were arrested and briefly detained after putting up posters in a public  park that described the persecution of Falun Gong practitioners in  China; the case was pending at year’s end.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>All public universities and political research institutions  have direct government links that bear at least some influence.  Academics engage in political debate, but their publications rarely  deviate from the government line on matters related to Singapore.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The Societies Act restricts freedom of association by requiring  most organizations of more than 10 people to register with the  government, and only registered parties and associations may engage in  organized political activity. Political speeches are tightly regulated,  and public assemblies must be approved by police. Legislation passed in  April 2009 eliminated a previous threshold requiring permits for public  assemblies of five or more people, meaning political events involving  just one person could require official approval. Permits are not needed  for private, indoor gatherings as long as the topic of discussion is not  race or religion.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Unions are granted fairly broad rights under the Trade Unions Act,  though restrictions include a ban on government employees joining  unions. A 2004 amendment to the law prohibits union members from voting  on collective agreements negotiated by union representatives and  employers. Strikes are legal for all except utility workers, but they  must be approved by a majority of a union’s members as opposed to the  internationally accepted standard of at least 50 percent of the members  who vote. In practice, many restrictions are not applied. All but five  of the country’s 64 unions are affiliated with the National Trade Union  Congress, which is openly allied with the PAP. Singapore’s 180,000  domestic workers are excluded from the Employment Act and regularly  exploited. A 2006 standard contract for migrant domestic workers  addresses food deprivation and entitles replaced workers to seek other  employment in Singapore, but it fails to provide other basic  protections, such as rest days.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The government’s overwhelming success in court cases raises  questions about judicial independence, particularly because lawsuits  against opposition politicians and parties often drive them into  bankruptcy. Many judges have ties to PAP leaders, but it is unclear  whether the government pressures judges or simply appoints those who  share its conservative philosophy. The judiciary is efficient, and  defendants in criminal cases enjoy most due process rights.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>The government generally respects citizens’ right to privacy, but  the Internal Security Act (ISA) and the Criminal Law Act (CLA) permit  the authorities to conduct warrantless searches and arrests to preserve  national security, order, and the public interest. The ISA, previously  aimed at communist threats, is now used against suspected Islamist  terrorists.Suspects can be detained without charge or trial for an  unlimited number of two-year periods. A 1989 constitutional amendment  prohibits judicial review of the substantive grounds for detention under  the ISA and of the constitutionality of the law itself. The CLA is  mainly used to detain organized crime suspects; it allows preventive  detention for an extendable one-year period. The Misuse of Drugs Act  empowers authorities to commit suspected drug users, without trial, to  rehabilitation centers for up to three years.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Security forces are not known to commit serious abuses. The  government has in recent years jailed police officers convicted of  mistreating detainees. The penal code mandates caning, in addition to  imprisonment, for about 30 offenses; it is discretionary for certain  other crimes involving the use of force. Caning is reportedly common in  practice.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>There is no legal discrimination, and the government actively  promotes racial harmony and equity. Despite government efforts, ethnic  Malays have not on average reached the schooling and income levels of  ethnic Chinese or ethnic Indians,and they reportedly face discrimination  in private-sector employment.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Citizens enjoy freedom of movement, although the government  occasionally enforces its policy of ethnic balance in public housing, in  which most Singaporeans live, and opposition politicians have been  denied the right to travel.</p>
	</div>
	<div>Women enjoy the same legal rights as men in most areas, and many  are well-educated professionals, though relatively few women hold top  positions in government and the private sector. Of the current  Parliament’s 84 elected seats, 17 are held by women, all of whom belong  to the PAP. In 2007, Parliament voted to maintain provisions of the  penal code that make acts of “gross indecency” between men punishable by  up to two years in prison.</div>
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		<slash:comments>243</slash:comments>
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		<title>The ECFA &#8211; where next for China and Taiwan?</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/26/the-ecfa-where-next-for-china-and-taiwan-2/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/26/the-ecfa-where-next-for-china-and-taiwan-2/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 26 Jun 2010 11:59:58 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Raj</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[General]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[taiwan]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7320</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	The ECFA trade agreement between China and Taiwan looks like it will be signed in the near future.
	It is hard at this point to be sure of who will benefit the most from it economically. There are concerns in Taiwan that there will be a net loss of jobs as a result of the agreement. [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />The ECFA trade agreement between China and Taiwan looks like it will be signed <a href="http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748704911704575326271338304574.html?mod=googlenews_wsj">in the near future</a>.</p>
	<p>It is hard at this point to be sure of who will benefit the most from it economically. There are concerns in Taiwan that there will be a net loss of jobs as a result of the agreement. Whilst Taiwan will be able to ship goods to China with fewer trade barriers, this does not mean that increased trade will employ more Taiwanese than lose their jobs due to an increase in Chinese imports. After all, some Taiwanese bosses may just pocket increased profit, though others will see increased demand and need to employ more workers. It will be easier to consider the impact of the agreement after it has been in place for a year or two.</p>
	<p>But now that the ECFA has been agreed upon, where do Sino-Taiwanese relations go from here? The Wall Street Journal has a suggestion.</p>
	<p><span id="more-7320"></span></p>
	<blockquote><p>Leaders from both sides have wagered their personal legacies on the outcome of the trade talks. For Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou, whose approval ratings have slumped over the past several months, it is a chance to integrate Taiwan more deeply into the regional economy and accelerate the island&#8217;s lackluster growth. <em>For Chinese President Hu Jintao, the pact could be a stepping stone for political dialogue, and even a peace accord, with Taiwan before he retires in 2012.</em></p></blockquote>
	<p>China clearly will want to launch into political discussions at the first opportunity. Ma Ying-jeou is less worried about his legacy and is more concerned about getting re-elected in 2012. But Hu Jintao wants to be remembered for doing something that none of his predecessors could &#8211; firmly putting Taiwan on the path of unifying with China, even if this will require further agreements to take place. A &#8220;peace agreement&#8221; is possible before 2012, even if it is currently not likely.</p>
	<p>There is a question as to whether such a new agreement would be suitable. The Chinese Civil War was between the CCP and KMT, not China and Taiwan. The skirmishes between China and Taiwan after 1950 were not a formal declaration of war. If the respective political parties wanted to, they could formally sign a peace agreement between themselves and leave their respective countries out of it. Of course China wants the agreement to include China and Taiwan in some way as a means of making Taiwanese unification more likely.</p>
	<p>However, even if a &#8220;peace agreement&#8221; between China and Taiwan would be suitable, Ma will be reluctant to force one through before the 2012 presidential election, unless it&#8217;s clear it would be very popular. Even if Taiwanese would clearly welcome it, most would want a referendum on it &#8211; especially as Ma previously promised not to sign political agreements with China before 2012.</p>
	<p>But there is one very important question that needs to be considered. After the ECFA, what are China and Taiwan going to do next? As hard as it was to get the ECFA agreed, it was relatively easy compared to the sorts of political agreements that will need to be considered to resolve once and for all Taiwan&#8217;s status in a way that is acceptable to both China and Taiwan. Even a &#8220;peace agreement&#8221; would be highly controversial due to how it referred to Taiwan, but even that would not do much to resolve the China-Taiwan divide. Coming up with ways to bring China and Taiwan together politically and legally, as Beijing wants, would be a horribly complex and divisive process even if it took place over decades. Most Taiwanese do not want unification, and as older Taiwanese who were born in China die off there will be even less support for it. Many Taiwanese will still vote KMT, but as an alternative to other political parties like the DPP, TSU and PFP. They will not do so out of a desire to see unification. China also cannot rely on the KMT staying in power definitely, short of the current ruling party sabotaging the electoral system and ending democracy in Taiwan. The DPP will at some point form a government, which would put the breaks on unification (assuming the process had already started), if not necessarily political rapproachment.</p>
	<p>On top of all of that there will be further demands from Taiwan for China to give it more international space, with greater meaningful representation in international bodies, dropping its opposition to Taiwan signing free trade agreements with other countries, agreeing to other economic changes such as fifth freedom rights, etc. Beijing may be reluctant to do this for fear that this will make Taiwan more economically and diplomatically independent and then have no reason to want to unify with China. However, Taiwan will say that economic and other matters cannot rest with the ECFA, especially if political agreements are pushed by China.</p>
	<p>Hu should be glad that he is retiring in 2012 – all these headaches will have to be dealt with by his successor.
</p>
]]></content:encoded>
			<wfw:commentRss>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/26/the-ecfa-where-next-for-china-and-taiwan-2/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>93</slash:comments>
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		<title>Issues with India/China Relations</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/23/issues-with-indiachina-relations/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/23/issues-with-indiachina-relations/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 23 Jun 2010 02:31:02 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Steve</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[General]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[politics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[dalai lama]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[government]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[history]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[india]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[nationalism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[tibet]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7309</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	 I came across two articles recently, both concerning India/China relations but one written from the Chinese point of view while the other was written from the Indian side. I thought it might be interesting to compare the two viewpoints to see just how far apart they really are.
	The first article is from the China [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" /><img src="http://blog.foolsmountain.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/GuruswamyNawaz.preview-300x136.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="136" align="left" /> I came across two articles recently, both concerning India/China relations but one written from the Chinese point of view while the other was written from the Indian side. I thought it might be interesting to compare the two viewpoints to see just how far apart they really are.</p>
	<p>The first article is from the China Daily while the other is from an Atlantic Council forum. The China Daily article feels there are &#8216;three gnawing issues&#8217;, as they put it. The Indian side looks at it historically, politically and diplomatically. They are both short so I&#8217;ll include them in their entirety.</p>
	<p><span id="more-7309"></span></p>
	<div id="Title_e">
	<h2 style="padding-left: 30px;"><a href="http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/opinion/2010-04/09/content_9708913.htm">Gnawing issues in China-India  relations</a></h2>
	<h6 style="padding-left: 30px;">By Wang Hui ( chinadaily.com.cn)<br />
Updated: 2010-04-09 14:44</h6>
	</div>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">This year marks  the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between  India and China. Amid a series of exchanges of high-level  congratulations and visits, news from the economic front is also  exciting: The first two months of the year saw a 55 percent increase in  bilateral trade as compared to 2009. All this seems to show that the  relationship between the world&#8217;s two most populous countries is faring  well and will grow even stronger.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Behind this promising picture, however, a  few gnawing issues are still standing in the way between the two titans.  If not handled properly, the road ahead for them would not be as smooth  as expected.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">First, China and India share about 2,000  kilometers of border, and the boundary has never been formally  delineated. The famous poet Robert Frost said in a well-known poem that  &#8220;Good fences make good neighbors.&#8221; Many confrontations between countries  have been ignited by disputes in their border area. The two sides  should quicken their steps on demarcation consultations that began in  the 1980s.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Second, as China gains an increasing sphere  of influence in the world arena, many Indians, including high-ranking  officials, see China as a potential rival or even a threat to India.  This may partly explain why India has yet to recognize China&#8217;s market  economy status, while over 60 countries have granted such status to  China. Such anti-China sentiments will not help cultivate a friendly  atmosphere for bilateral ties to grow, but rather sow the seeds of  distrust between the two countries.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Third, India has always harbored a grudge  over China&#8217;s all-weather friendship with Pakistan. The China-Pakistan  relationship is based on mutual trust and mutual support in nation  building and international cooperation. To maintain a peaceful external  environment, China also wants to build closer ties with India. If China  could become a mutual friend to the two Asian rivals, it will contribute  more to regional peace and stability. This will eventually serve  India&#8217;s interests as well.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">To address these issues, the Indian side  needs to show real sincerity in forging a more friendly relationship  with China. An &#8220;Asia century&#8221; will remain only a dream until the two  Asian giants can treat each other with mutual trust and respect.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">
	<h2 style="padding-left: 30px;"><a href="http://www.acus.org/event/india-china-relations-current-issues-and-emerging-trends">India-China  Relations: Current Issues and Emerging Trends</a></h2>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">January 25, 2010</p>
	<h3 style="padding-left: 30px;">Event Summary:</h3>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">The Atlantic Council recently hosted Mr. Mohan Guruswamy, South Asia  Center Nonresident Senior Fellow and Chairman of New Delhi’s Centre for  Policy Alternatives. In his talk, he addressed the deep-seated rivalry  between two Asian powerhouses, India and China, and the factors  contributing to the exacerbation of the issue. He also discussed the  future of the India-China relationship – where it is headed and what it  could possibly bring on both regional and international scales.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Mr. Guruswamy first explored the India-China relationship through a  historical lens, pointing out that the relations between these two  neighbors have always been tenuous, riddled with contentious border  issues and territorial claims, and made even more muddled by the lack of  a clear historical record demarcating the borders. He indicated that  the burgeoning border disputes, partly a result of the British Raj&#8217;s  lack of setting clear borders, were exacerbated by China&#8217;s occupation of  Lassa in 1962 and then by India&#8217;s retaliatory occupation of the Tawang  region. Attempts to resolve these border issues – from China&#8217;s package  deal offer in 1986 to their revised proposal in 1988 &#8211; have proved  unsuccessful, and now neither country is willing to further negotiate on  their dispute.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">In today’s political context, Guruswamy observed, these two neighbors  still show an unrelenting rivalry. China&#8217;s fears regarding India, such  as their belief that India is a part of the US&#8217; plan to encircle their  country (a claim which China feels is &#8220;evidenced&#8221; by the US-India  Civilian Nuclear Agreement) encourages China&#8217;s desire to &#8220;trip&#8221; India  before the military asymmetry will begin to close. Further adding to the  preexisting distrust between the two countries is India&#8217;s economic  growth, specifically as China&#8217;s GDP growth rate is expected to decline  in the recent future while India&#8217;s is supposed to steadily increase.  Other political factors that continue to deepen the India &#8211; China divide  is the issue of Tibet.  Ever since India granted political asylum to  the Dalai Lama, China has accused India of being pro Tibet (despite  India’s acknowledgement of Tibet as a Chinese territory). There is also  what Guruswamy calls ‘the coming crisis of the Dalai Lamas’, where two  Dalai Lamas will rise (one from Dharamsala and one from Tibet) to  succeed upon the passing of the current Dalai Lama which will further  create tension regarding this issue. The political stability of other  key regional countries – such as Afghanistan, Pakistan and Myanmar – all  have the potential to impact India-China relations as well.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Indian interests in respect to China in the long-run include the  following key concepts: avoiding an arms race with China, avoiding  entanglement in the US-China rivalry, and avoiding being kept in check  by China. India’s aim for the future, Guruswamy asserted, is to “walk  softly but carry a big enough stick to keep the dragon at bay”.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">The question and answer session following the discussion addressed  several topics, most importantly, India’s developing relationship with  key strategic countries Russia, the US and China. In respect to recent  Indo-Chinese cooperation (specifically at the Copenhagen Conference on  Climate Change), Guruswamy noted that while they were rivals, they were  not enemies, and that “they knew how to work together with common  interests in mind”. To reassert his point, Guruswamy exemplified their  burgeoning trade relationship, and the potential for the two countries  to work together on a number of key security issues, such as terrorism  and drug trafficking.</p>
	<h3 style="padding-left: 30px;">More on Mohan Guruswamy:</h3>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Guruswamy heads the Center for Policy Alternatives in New Delhi, an  independent think tank that focuses on critical policy issues and whose  studies are disseminated to India&#8217;s political, administrative and media  leaders.  Prior to working at CPAS, Mr. Guruswamy was Advisor to the  Finance Minister with the rank of Secretary to the Government of India.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">His diverse career path also includes teaching, senior management and  journalism.  He is a frequent television commentator on matters of  current interest and writes a widely read and disseminated  column. Guruswamy has authored several books on policy issues, the  latest being  <em>The Looming Crisis in India&#8217;s Agriculture</em>; <em>India  China Relations: The Border Issue and Beyond</em>; and <em>Chasing the  Dragon: Will India Catch-Up with China?</em>.</p>
	<p>Let&#8217;s examine both viewpoints. The China Daily article&#8217;s points are:</p>
	<ol>
	<li>Border issues</li>
	<li>Geopolitical threat</li>
	<li>China/Pakistan relationship</li>
	</ol>
	<p>The Indian article stresses:</p>
	<ol>
	<li>Border issues</li>
	<li>China&#8217;s fears of encirclement</li>
	<li>India&#8217;s increasing economic growth</li>
	<li>Tibet issues</li>
	<li>Political stability of Afghanistan, Pakistan &amp; Myanmar</li>
	<li>Potential arms race</li>
	<li>Indian neutrality vis a vis the China/USA relationship</li>
	<li>China putting limits on Indian growth</li>
	</ol>
	<p>Do you feel this covers all the issues facing the two growing world powers? Do you agree or disagree with the list of issues? Can you add others? What do you feel is the best approach for the two countries to take in the coming years to settle the issues fairly and equitably? Is this a win/lose  or win/win game between the two?
</p>
]]></content:encoded>
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		<title>India at the Shanghai World Expo and its significance in Sino-Indian Relations</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/09/india-at-the-shanghai-world-expo-and-its-significance-in-sino-indian-relations/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/09/india-at-the-shanghai-world-expo-and-its-significance-in-sino-indian-relations/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 09 Jun 2010 21:59:10 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><a href="http://indiaschinablog.blogspot.com/" rel="nofollow">Maitreya Bhakal</a></dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Environment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[General]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China environment]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Chinese culture]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[expo]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[expo 2010]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[india china relations]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[india expo 2010]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Indian Culture]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[indian pavilion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[indian pavilion expo 2010]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[shanghai expo]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7258</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[In the midst of the concrete and steel jungle that is the expo, stands the Indian Pavilion, the 'greenest' of them all, built entirely of environment-friendly materials, showcasing India's unique brand of Culture, History and Soft Power, offering an unprecedented opportunity to further improve Sino-Indian relations.]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />
<div>
	<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>In the midst of the concrete and steel jungle that is the </strong></span><strong>Shanghai World Expo</strong><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>, stands the Indian Pavilion, the &#8216;greenest&#8217; of them all, built entirely of environment-friendly materials, showcasing India&#8217;s unique brand of Culture, History and Soft Power and offering an unprecedented opportunity to further improve Sino-Indian </strong></span><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>relations</strong></span></p>
	</div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;">The Expo has finally come to China. A largely forgotten event in most parts of the world, it has been rejuvenated</span><span style="font-family: inherit;">, on a scale in which no other country could even dream of. A record number of 192 countries and 50 organizations have registered, the highest in the Expo&#8217;s history. Most people hadn&#8217;t even heard of the expo before it came to China. The verdict is clear &#8211; </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">The Expo needed China</span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> as much as China needed the Expo.</span></p>
	<div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;">It has been described by the Chinese government as &#8220;</span><span style="font-family: inherit; font-size: small;">a great gathering of world civilizations&#8221;,  and is an excellent opportunity </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">to improve ties between two of the oldest &#8211; India and China.</span></p>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;"><span id="more-7258"></span><br />
</span></p>
	<p><strong>The Indian pavilion</strong></p>
	</div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;">The Indian Pavilion is a massive <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stupa"><em>stupa</em></a> (pronounced <em>stuup</em>, with an slightly elongated <em>u</em></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"><em>)</em>, resembling specifically the <em><a href="http://www.culturalindia.net/monuments/sanchi-stupa.html">Sanchi Stupa</a> </em>built during the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maurya_Empire">Maurya</a></span><span style="font-family: inherit;"> Dynasty (322-185 BC) by <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashoka">King Ashoka</a> (pronounced  <em>Ashok</em></span>)<span style="font-family: inherit;">. </span></p>
	<p style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_vA-vZ7A30vw/TA9rHU6WF2I/AAAAAAAAAb4/UEDYRm3SWhQ/s1600/expo0.JPG"><img class="aligncenter" src="http://1.bp.blogspot.com/_vA-vZ7A30vw/TA9rHU6WF2I/AAAAAAAAAb4/UEDYRm3SWhQ/s400/expo0.JPG" border="0" alt="" width="400" height="288" /></a></p>
	<p style="text-align: left;">In what is one of the greatest examples the diversity and plurality of Indian history and culture, the dome is shaped like the <em>Taj Mahal</em> Mausoleum (which, commissioned by the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan and completed in 1653, is one of the seven wonders of the world) and the inspiration of its design comes from the <em>Sanchi Stupa</em> (which was completed in the third century BCE and is a UNESCO World Heritage Site).</p>
	<p style="text-align: left;">
	<p style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://blog.foolsmountain.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/expo01.jpg"><img class="size-medium wp-image-7277 aligncenter" src="http://blog.foolsmountain.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/expo01-300x117.jpg" alt="" width="388" height="150" /></a></p>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></p>
	<div>
	<p style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_vA-vZ7A30vw/TA9qcNRUyaI/AAAAAAAAAbg/4TSJ_fhrBE0/s1600/expo4.JPG"><img class="aligncenter" style="border: 0pt none;" src="http://2.bp.blogspot.com/_vA-vZ7A30vw/TA9qcNRUyaI/AAAAAAAAAbg/4TSJ_fhrBE0/s400/expo4.JPG" border="0" alt="" width="400" height="314" /></a></p>
	<p style="text-align: left;">
	<p style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">As the world moves towards urbanization, the idea behind the Indian pavilion successfully blends the concepts of sustainable ecological development with modern technology and town planning &#8211; which is accentuated by the theme &#8211; <em>Cities of Harmony</em>.</span></p>
	</div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;">And what better model than ancient India, where the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_Valley_Civilization">Indus Valley Civilization</a> (</span>3300–1300 BCE)<span style="font-family: inherit;">, whose cities, most notably &#8211; <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harappa">Harappa</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohenjo-daro">Mohen-jo-daro</a><em>, </em>reached a level of urban planning and technological sophistication which was unparalleled during the time. As a matter of fact, the sheer brilliance and superiority of those prehistoric cities would put Mumbai to shame, whose streets flood every couple of years due to heavy rains and poor town planning coupled with inefficient drainage systems, not to mention 55% of the city&#8217;s population living in slums! </span><span style="font-family: inherit;">(In the <a href="http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/If-there-is-a-Nobel-prize-for-filth-India-will-win-it-Jairam-Ramesh/articleshow/5251864.cms">words</a> of India&#8217;s Environment and Forests Minister, Jairam Ramesh, if there is a Noble Prize for filth, India will win it!)</span></p>
	<div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></p>
	</div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></p>
	<div>
	<p>The Indian Pavilion<span style="font-family: inherit;"> is built entirely of bamboo and other environment friendly materials like </span>solar panels, windmills,  plants, water cascade and earthen tiles;<span style="font-family: inherit;"> and is the &#8216;greenest&#8217; and most eco-friendly pavilion at the expo</span>. Over 60,000 saplings, including many herbal medicinal plants, have been used in the roofing panels of the pavilion, which also collect rainwater for use in the pavilion. Over 30 kms of bamboo (which came from eastern Chinese forests) has gone into its construction. <span style="font-family: inherit;">It is in fact the world&#8217;s largest Bamboo Dome &#8211; </span>35 meters wide and 18 meters tall, and contains an interlaced network of more than 500 pieces of 20 meter-length rods of bamboo. Completely <a href="http://www.indiaatexpo2010.com/site/?q=node/17">rewriting</a> China&#8217;s architecture rulebook, it will be spared demolition unlike the other pavilions (excluding China&#8217;s), dismantled and then reconstructed in Wushi, Zhejiang Province. The Indian architects had to prepare the first ever bamboo construction plans and code and then get the Chinese to approve it before proceeding.</p>
	</div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;">According to the official <a href="http://www.indiaatexpo2010.com/site/?q=node/24">website</a>:</span></p>
	<div>
	<blockquote><p>The concept and theme of India Pavilion will revolve around journey of Indian cities from ancient times to medieval period to modern India. This journey is full of glorious peaks and downs in the medieval period. The concept of urban planning was known to India as back as the times of Mohan Jo daro and Hadappa (dating back to 2000-3000 B.C. Circa), the twin cities that were discovered by British archaeologists. These cities had well laid out streets at right angles, underground drainage and water supply system with common public areas.</p></blockquote>
	<blockquote><p>As urban life spread among Indian people, we find cities with specific sectors, which were known as <em>Mohallahs</em>, where people belonging to a specific guild or trade used to live, such as, Kapda Bazaar (cloth market) where textile merchants had their shops and living quarters; <em>Sarafa</em> <em>Bazaar</em> (jewelery market) where all jewellers had their shops and living quarters, <em>Katras</em> (grain and eatables market) and so on. New urban centres were set up by Mughal emperors spanning throughout India based on specialized trade and services on the lines of modern Special Economic Zones, e.g., Varanasi became known for silk and silk embroidery; Mysore for special silk and sandlewood work; Calicut for muslin cloth and jewelery; Moradabad for brassware; Aligarh for locks; Agra for footwear and marble works etc. During the medieval period also, ambitious kings planned ambitious cities, such as, Jaipur, which was laid in a very scientific manner with entire city being painted in one colour for which it is still known as ‘Pink City’.</p></blockquote>
	<p>The <a href="http://en.expo2010.cn/c/en_gj_tpl_28.htm#zgld">highlights</a> of the pavilion include the &#8216;Tree of Life&#8217; carving by the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sidi_Saiyyed_Mosque">Sidi Saiyyed Mosque</a> in Ahmedabad, a &#8216;Zero-Chemical Area&#8217;, which displays many energy efficient technologies, a traditional &#8216;Indian Market&#8217; or <em>Bazaar</em>, and a Holographic projection showcasing India&#8217;s evolution from the Indus Valley days to modern times.</p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p><span style="font-size: small;">And in the Urban Best practices Area (UBPA), which offers a platform for different </span>countries to propose  their solutions to the urban issues from different perspectives<span style="font-size: small;">, </span><span style="font-size: small;">two <a href="http://www.indianexpress.com/news/road-to-urbania-via-shanghai-and-two-indian-cities/613964/0">role models</a> from India — one from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahmedabad">Ahmedabad</a> and the other from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Puducherry_%28city%29">Pondicherry</a> — are being showcased with 34 others as experiments in improving urban life. The Ahmedabad initiative is focused on clean and green economic development, while Pondicherry focuses on heritage preservation along with economic growth.</span></p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p><span style="font-size: small;">The Indian pavilion also features authentic Indian cuisine, Indian cultural programmes, including dances (some of which are so diverse and different from the others that I&#8217;m quite sure some people will wonder whether they are from the same country!), and of course &#8211; India&#8217;s latest soft power export &#8211; Bollywood. The organizers have roped in 50 performers, backed by a team of film technicians and choreographers to act out 40 years of classic moments in Indian cinema. And Yoga (pronounced <em>Yog)</em> &#8211; the single most popular aspect of Indian culture and soft power abroad &#8211; is also <a href="http://en.expo2010.cn/a/20100606/000005.htm">on the cards</a>.</span></p>
	</div>
	<p><strong>Where&#8217;s India&#8217;s other achievement?</strong></p>
	<p>While all this should certainly be applauded, what is surprising is that a presentation of the other aspect that India is known for around the word &#8211; its IT prowess &#8211; is nowhere to be seen. A combination of culture, environment friendly urban planning <em>and</em> India&#8217;s IT and software industry prowess would have been a great and unique combination. Not to mention the fact that this is one of the few advantages which India has over China.</p>
	<p><strong>Strengthening  Sino &#8211; Indian Relations</strong></p>
	<div>
	<p>As the two most populous countries in the world and rising powers, India and China have a responsibility to maintain healthy relations, not only towards themselves but also towards the whole world. And the expo offers an excellent opportunity for India to increase the people-to-people contact between these two countries and awareness about Indian culture in China.</p>
	</div>
	<p>The India pavilion has become one of the most popular spots at the expo with an average of 25,000 visitors every day.</p>
	<p style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_vA-vZ7A30vw/TA9qzf898rI/AAAAAAAAAbo/VxDCbFNT0Po/s1600/expo6.JPG"><img class="aligncenter" src="http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_vA-vZ7A30vw/TA9qzf898rI/AAAAAAAAAbo/VxDCbFNT0Po/s400/expo6.JPG" border="0" alt="" width="400" height="300" /></a></p>
	<p>The huge line of visitors queued up to get inside the Indian pavilion as seen above speaks for itself.</p>
	<p>Many countries are increasingly realizing that Soft Power can be a very effective tool for increasing their influence, especially countries with rich histories and cultures like India and China. They have a lot to export in that direction; and can use Soft Power very effectively to project an image. Pavan Varma, the head of the Indian Council on Cultural Relations, has argued that “Culturally, India is a superpower.”</p>
	<div>
	<p>Unlike China, India has lacked the initiative and aggression to effectively use Soft Power as an instrument of Foreign Policy.  For example, while the Chinese government has established 295 Confucius Institutes in 78 countries, the Indian Equivalent &#8211; Indian Cultural Institutes &#8211; number only 20. Most of India&#8217;s Soft Power abroad is promulgated through private individuals and enterprises, like Bollywood, and the so-called &#8216;Indian Gurus&#8217;, like Deepak Chopra.</p>
	</div>
	<p>This year is the 60th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between two countries. In China, interest in Indian culture and History is on the rise. The Indian President, <span>Pratibha Patil, </span>on a recent visit to China, unveiled the first Indian Style Buddhist Temple <span>in Luoyang in Henan province </span><span>after a gap of 1900 years, when <a href="http://buddhismatoz.com/k/KasyapaMatanga.html">two Indian monks</a> <em>Kashyapamatanga</em> and <em>Dharmaratna</em> helped establish the first Buddhist shrine.</span> This temple was at the same site as the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_Horse_Temple">White Horse Temple</a>, built in 68 AD, the first Buddhist Temple in China,  and is  part of an <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_Horse_Temple#India-China_cultural_cooperation">India-China Cultural cooperation</a> initiative. She also unveiled a statue of poet and Nobel Laurate Rabindranath Tagore in the heart of old-town Shanghai, which the poet visited in the 1920s and left a strong influence on a whole generation of Chinese intellectuals and writers.</p>
	<div>
	<p>Tourism is another important aspect which has been neglected. In 2008, Chinese arrivals to India made up less than 2 per cent of the total number of foreign travelers. India&#8217;s lack of adequate infrastructure, a lack of awareness about Indian Tourism among common Chinese are just two of the <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/2008/04/14/stories/2008041454911100.htm">many problems</a> which are at the heart of the asymmetrical tourist flow. With China slated to become the <span> world&#8217;s fourth-largest source of outbound tourists by 2020, it is a market which India, like any other country, cannot afford to take lightly.</span></p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p>Hence, the Shanghai World Expo becomes all the more important and it is an opportunity that simply could not be ignored. The Indian government has taken an unprecedented advantage of this situation, by not only showcasing India&#8217;s Soft Power through its unique culture and history, but also various green initiatives coupled with technology and urban planning, a pavilion built entirely with environment friendly materials and with zero carbon emissions which is a welcome change amidst the steel and concrete jungle of the expo &#8211; an endeavor which has the potential to drastically alter the course of Sino-Indian Relations like no other.</p>
	<p><em>(Maitreya blogs at <a href="http://indiaschinablog.blogspot.com/">India&#8217;s China Blog</a>. </em><em>Original article available <a href="http://indiaschinablog.blogspot.com/2010/06/india-at-shanghai-world-expo-2010-and.html">here</a>)</em></p>
	</div>
	<div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;"><em> </em> </span></p>
	</div>
	<p><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span>
</p>
<p>This post was submitted by <a href="http://indiaschinablog.blogspot.com/" rel="nofollow">Maitreya Bhakal</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<title>Another perspective on looking at China&#8217;s past</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/09/another-perspective-on-looking-at-chinas-past/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/09/another-perspective-on-looking-at-chinas-past/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 09 Jun 2010 12:00:31 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>No99</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[General]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog4china.org/?p=7250</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	Regarding the topic of China&#8217;s long and rich history of science and technology.
	Here is one perspective to look at it. Only a few of the points here were made by me, but a lot of information I got from elsewhere and people who study this topic. I will try my best to put what I [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />Regarding the topic of China&#8217;s long and rich history of science and technology.</p>
	<p>Here is one perspective to look at it. Only a few of the points here were made by me, but a lot of information I got from elsewhere and people who study this topic. I will try my best to put what I know so far understandable and straight to the point.<br />
<span id="more-7250"></span><br />
 If we were to strip down all the activities and devices we use for our modern lifestyles down to their basic components, one can see that there aren&#8217;t as many original inventions as most people assume. Patent numbers and journal publications are just one aspect of technology. Though they are important, it&#8217;s mostly working on an accumulation of works of the past, making little improvements along the way. Most scholars of this field, define modern technology as the substituting the usage of human muscle and animals for power and how far is the reach and accessibility of technology to the general population. If we took those definitions into account, then the reality is that the modern lifestyle was more recent, only happening in the 20th century. In China&#8217;s case, one can argued that modernization happened in the last few decades. The foundations were laid for centuries along with many discoveries, but only a few members of society benefited throughout most of world history. </p>
	<p>With that in mind, looking at the basic components, one can say that China before adopting the modern lifestyles, had all of the original inventions in their lives, except for one item; the harnessing of electricity. That was the only physical thing left. Some original inventions did originate from China, some came from other places of course, but many people believe that a lot of it was created independently of other civilizations. However, what made the develop world was the accumulation of all these original inventions and using it with the knowledge of the natural world together to make something remarkable. Knowledge of the natural world was what China needed more of, they had some ideas but it didn&#8217;t go as far as other parts of the world. There are many reasons why but that&#8217;s kind of the missing secret ingredient you can say.</p>
	<p>One thing I need to mention is that many articles and books tend to say China outpaced the world in the arts and sciences. The reality is that throughout China&#8217;s &#8220;verified&#8221; recorded existence, it was a contemporary (equal) to whoever was the most powerful civilization at the time. That&#8217;s how Ancient China is viewed as if we were to look at it from the global framework of world history. Some of the technology was quite efficient, or advanced one can argue, and some of it was not quite as sophisticated. The level of disparity was the same throughout the world. Life for the average person on Earth was very hard and cruel throughout most of history.</p>
	<p> In many ways, there wasn&#8217;t a whole lot of difference between China and the West until the last 150 years. A lot of people like to use China vs. West comparison because that was the most recent and profound. South Asia and the Muslim world (which included a lot of people who were not Muslim or Arab as well) was much closer than China in having some version of an Industrial Revolution. The Arabs had the first &#8220;de facto&#8221; scientific revolution. The renaissance and enlightement were important eras but it took a while for Europe to actual global dominance. By the time that happened, many people in the great powers had the benefit of having all those experiences of the past and knowledge gather from people all over the globe, while contributing with their own creativity. </p>
	<p>One side note to think about. A lot of the maps we see of colonization involved shades of red, blue and other colors to note the dominion. In reality, they should have look more like a bunch of dots and only the coasts would be colored as actual rule was very hard to establish and most power was still in the Natives. </p>
	<p>A lot of people often assume that China fell behind or stagnated regarding technology. From what we know, it appears that what really happened was China was moving along the same pace. Progress in subsequently, and people just kept doing the same things as they were. This pace was similar to just about everywhere on the globe. If we reflect here a bit, the last two centuries were the real anomaly of technological development. There wasn&#8217;t a lot to choose from regarding Chinese and conventional medicine before the mid 1800s. A lot of the engines that help power a lot of machines for everything else took off in the late 19th to early 20th century. Even in the infamous Opium wars, the notion of winning due to superior technology was less than half the story. There was a lot of collaboration, a lot of manpower on the British side included many native Chinese and other Asians. The Chinese also use firearms as well. The battles themselves were kind of skirmish-like and many seem to have been won mainly through logistical problems. A lot of things were going on at that time. Four decades later when groups in China fought against the French, the same exact weaponry was use with the French slightly updated, and the Chinese manage to hold them at bay in several points. Though eventually defeated. </p>
	<p>Ancient China had many unique attributes but what makes it stand out even more than the others are the geographic location, a distinct language and organization of its society that wasn&#8217;t common in other places. It&#8217;s mainly due to those distinguish markers is what makes China stand out even more and has people thinking the Chinese of the past came up with a lot of ideas on their own. The historical records do show if they got anything from other places outside China&#8217;s realm, notably the Indian subcontinent, Persia, Portugal and even the nomadic tribes of the steepes. They might not be as impartial, precise or detailed as our current documents, but that&#8217;s how the past was like everywhere. This is what makes investigating history exciting in a sense. </p>
	<p>Another thing to think about is we need to put aside generalizations if people want more clarity. Any generalizations made by Chinese people themselves or others. The whole Chinese superiority is quite infamous but we do need to look at it from another perspective. First, it doesn&#8217;t take a lot or any reason(s) to believe yourself as better than others. Unless one travels a lot, has many interactions with outsiders or can read, most people were basically living in their &#8220;own worlds&#8221;. For the average person in China and those in power or could read, the attitude of superiority wasn&#8217;t any more or less than what other powerful empires or complex societies had. Although I also think that the arrogant attitude was a factor in preventing progress in China, they also had a lot of other issues which were more significant than that.</p>
	<p> Everyone probably has heard about Zheng He&#8217;s story, but in my opinion, there were other opportunities present after that. For example, if the Jesuits had sent more people to reach the general population instead of intellectuals serving the court, it might have inspire more Chinese to venture out on their own. Or something more controversial, the Taiping rebels might presented the fastest route towards modernization during the turbulent times. As they inspired a lot of women to their cause, if we look back, a lot of social movements succeeded in part of freeing up this gender to pursue many activities. No doubt, women warriors would have pushed their communities. However, that is all just speculation of what ifs. </p>
	<p>It&#8217;s kind of hard to really say what China was like in the past. Civilization, Empire, sub-continent&#8230;we would have to use definitions on that scale to describe China, but it doesn&#8217;t seem complete. It does seem that many people use the the Tianxia (under heaven) idea and applied it to their environment. Kind of the Ancient Greeks and their known world. Except that the Greeks and others in the area saw themselves as one part out of many and the Chinese saw everyone else as related somehow. Other than the written script, everything else seem pretty different among the Chinese. Overtime did other items like architecture, currency, clothing, etc. did they share some similarities, but overall there&#8217;s quite a lot of variety. </p>
	<p>Reflecting on the past, in many ways it is quite impressive to see how China didn&#8217;t fully collapse. This is also what makes a lot of people think that the methods the Chinese of the past used seem fundamentally sufficient. If we were to look at Chinese history from a global perspective, it seems that either China could have taken the opportunities spread from the late Ming dynasty to early Qing to have gradual change. Or this; Since daily life was saturated under the same system of authority, it would have require a social movement, similar to those in the 1930s that led to World War 2, to really shake China. As history shows, it was the latter that happen. If change is gradual, it&#8217;s called development, if change happen in a very short frame of time, its a revolution. </p>
	<p>It kind of makes sense in my mind why it took so long for China to change considering what happened in the past and choices many people made or not take. That&#8217;s reality. </p>
	<p>If my mini-essay doesn&#8217;t make sense in any way, please let know. I do want to clear up any misunderstandings or questions people might have. I admit I could be off from my assessment. There&#8217;s no citations as I gather information from many different books, journals and small conversations with people, as well as what I&#8217;ve experienced in the science arena. I actually shortened a lot of what I wrote. This is only 1/4 of what I had. There were a lot more examples, details and other perspectives to think about, but I believe this should be a decent outline. </p>
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		<slash:comments>66</slash:comments>
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		<title>Power Grows for Stricking Chinese workers. Good for China?</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/09/power-grows-for-stricking-chinese-workers-good-for-china/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/09/power-grows-for-stricking-chinese-workers-good-for-china/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 09 Jun 2010 11:57:15 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>pug_ster</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[-mini-posts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Analysis]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7247</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	Chinese Workers: &#8220;I&#8217;m mad as hell and not going take it anymore.&#8221;
	http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/09/business/global/09labor.html?ref=world
	The Recent suicides at Foxconn seems to be a watershed moment for Chinese workers who are fed up with the long hours, low pay and crappy cafeteria food.  Recent strikes at this company, Honda and KFC recently announced substantial pay raises raises alarm [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />Chinese Workers: &#8220;I&#8217;m mad as hell and not going take it anymore.&#8221;</p>
	<p>http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/09/business/global/09labor.html?ref=world</p>
	<p>The Recent suicides at Foxconn seems to be a watershed moment for Chinese workers who are fed up with the long hours, low pay and crappy cafeteria food.  Recent strikes at this company, Honda and KFC recently announced substantial pay raises raises alarm bells for the companies and questions if they can still can produce goods affordability in China.  China has already facing a of shortage workers in Guangdong/Shenzhen areas as well while the Chinese government is willing to stand aside and allow these strikes to happen.<br />
<span id="more-7247"></span><br />
While many Western Businesses are afraid this this is just the beginning, I believe that this is no longer business as usual where some Western Company where they can just build a factory in China Workers will come.  The Chinese government is already making it harder for business to produce low end, high carbon goods.  </p>
	<p>While it might sound bad about the ability for China to continue to be the &#8220;factory of the world.&#8221;  I don&#8217;t believe it is.  The workers mostly strike in places where it is to the East of China where labor intensive industries are starting to get discouraged.  China is constantly encouraging Western Companies to set up shop in central or Western China while enticing Western and Chinese Companies to produce value added goods or services.  I believe the landscape will be good in China for the next few years the when Chinese government encourages development of the 2nd the 3rd tier cities and can still be the &#8220;factory of the world.&#8221;
</p>
<p>This post was submitted by pug_ster.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<slash:comments>15</slash:comments>
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		<title>Across the seas: an iPad&#8217;s &#8220;gray&#8221; voyage</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/01/across-the-seas-an-ipads-gray-voyage/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/06/01/across-the-seas-an-ipads-gray-voyage/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 01 Jun 2010 12:00:05 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Nimrod</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[General]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7218</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	
A shopper looks over an iPad at an Apple Store.
	Apple was elated that iPads sold briskly. Then they fretted when they sold out. Apple continues to experience supply shortages, just like with the iPhone release. Where have all the iPads gone? It turns out the iPads are not just made in Chinese factories, but even [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" /><img style="align: left;" src="http://blog.foolsmountain.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/05/12942d3b2b5g215.jpg" alt="" /><br />
<em>A shopper looks over an iPad at an Apple Store.</em></p>
	<p>Apple was elated that iPads sold briskly. Then they fretted when they sold out. Apple continues to experience supply shortages, just like with the iPhone release. Where have all the iPads gone? It turns out the iPads are not just made in Chinese factories, but even their distribution is re-routed by networks of Chinese people.</p>
	<p>A <a href="http://cbnweekly.blog.sohu.com/151312768.html">CBN Weekly (第一财经周刊) feature</a> examines the intricate gray market for iPads, and the role of overseas Chinese in this informal logistics chain.</p>
	<p><span id="more-7218"></span><br />
<em>By Xie Leining and Lei Jingshu</em></p>
	<p>&#8220;The iPad is here.&#8221; Ads from Apple are proclaiming in the United States. But they are false.</p>
	<p>On April 21 reckoned by local time, the Apple Store in the busy Northpark Shopping Center here in Dallas has not sold a single iPad for a week. The same at a store five miles north of here. Go further some ten miles and it is still the same.</p>
	<p>In each of these stores, a dozen display iPads are put on the big tables near the entrance. Then after you&#8217;ve experienced the smooth operation of the 9.7&#8243; touch screen and the rich content, including music and videos from iTunes, book readers, AppStore, email and social web functions, and office software, and you&#8217;ve satisfied yourself and ready to pay up, the store associate will tell you they are out of stock. And they don&#8217;t know when more will arrive.</p>
	<p>On the same day, Bill Jordan picked up his pre-ordered iPad from a Colorado Apple Store. Just as he walked out and put the iPad into his shopping bag, two robbers appeared behind him and grabbed the bag from him. Though the 59-year-old fought them, his bag was still taken from him and he got his finger injured. The local police found the surveillance video and the Apple Store are cooperating with police, saying they record the serial number on every iPad sold.</p>
	<p>Either these were two technology-loving robbers, or the iPad is a really hot item. More and more we are led to believe the latter is true.</p>
	<p>Mose is a professional scalper. He buys products from regular retail channels, then sells them to designated hoarders. His most recent target is the iPad. Lots of iPads. Just two days ago, he went to two stores and swept four iPads. The second day he went to four stores but only got two. And, the Apple Store refused the use of cash and gift cards. If a customer&#8217;s credit card information showed he had already purchased two or more iPads, then the store would not sell him another one no matter what. You could go to Best Buy to circumvent Apple&#8217;s control and sweep one or two per store per day. But most of them have already been swept up. If you go to Apple&#8217;s store online, the earliest you can get them is ten days later.</p>
	<p>So at this time the news at every store is, there will be no stock this weekend.</p>
	<p>Where have all the iPads gone?</p>
	<p>Beside asking Apple&#8217;s supplier, you could also go to a place like &#8220;MITBBS&#8221; to find your answer. This is one of the largest and most popular overseas Chinese forums in the United States, with 20 thousand people regularly logged on. &#8220;Fleamarket&#8221; is one of the several hundred forum boards. The main topic of discussion is how to use various tactics to obtain electronic products from the retail distribution channel. It works like this. There are two job titles, &#8220;Superdoctors&#8221; and &#8220;Nurses.&#8221; A Superdoctor is the equivalent of a redistribution point or somebody with access to professional distribution channels. Behind them are usually import/export companies. A Nurse, on the other hand, is somebody like Mose, who is responsible for sweeping retail and online stores for products to sell to Superdoctors. According to an experienced Nurse named Galvin, a &#8220;Healthcare Team&#8221; headed by about ten Superdoctors and their Nurses managed to hoard more than 30,000 iPads within three weeks of iPad&#8217;s release.</p>
	<p>We begin on April 16. This was the second Friday after the iPad&#8217;s release in the US. At 12:26 Eastern time, reknowned Superdoctor RL posted a buy bid on the &#8220;fleamarket&#8221; board of MITBBS for eleven 16G iPads, at $620 each, postage paid.</p>
	<table style="margin: 0px 0px 0px 20px; border-collapse: collapse; border-style: dashed; background-color: #ffffcc;" border="1" cellpadding="20" width="300" align="right">
	<tbody>
	<tr>
	<td><strong>The &#8220;gray&#8221; voyage of an iPad (16G Wi-Fi)</strong></p>
	<p>First Leg: Apple&#8217;s authorized reseller<br />
Agent: Professional scalper<br />
Purchase Price: $540</p>
	<p>Second Leg: US to Hong Kong<br />
Agent: Hoarder and import/export company<br />
Purchase Price: $575-$620</p>
	<p>Third Leg: Hong Kong to Shenzhen<br />
Agent: Courier<br />
Cost: $75-$90</p>
	<p>Fourth Leg: Shenzhen to other cities<br />
Agent: Distributor<br />
Final Price: $700-$730</td>
	</tr>
	</tbody>
	</table>
	<p>At this time, the buy price for the 16G Wi-Fi version of the iPad had already gone up by $100 from a week before. A &#8220;retired&#8221; Superdoctor named Yang tells us that the gray market price of the iPad remained stable in the first week. Experienced Superdoctors and Nurses had already hoarded what they believed was a sufficient quantity as early as March 12, when Apple began taking pre-orders. Apple Stores and Best Buy had stock and the sales staff had not begun to police the quantity limit on iPad purchases. Even though demand in large US cities exceeded expectation, they had hoarded enough iPads for delivery. So in the first week, Nurses bought iPads from stores for $540, saved them up, and flipped them to the Superdoctors for a $5 spread.</p>
	<p>So, when RL posted a bid for $620 on April 16, it meant a $120 profit for any Nurse living in a tax-free state such as Oregon or Delaware. Even to Nurses facing a 8.25% or 9% sales tax, profitting $70 or $80 from flipping an iPad was a swell trade. It may have exceeded the per-unit profit made by the Superdoctors.</p>
	<p>This trade had little risk, so long as they strictly executed their agreed protocol: Superdoctors paid Nurses via PayPal while providing shipping information. Then UPS or FedEx picked up the packages from the Nurses&#8217; homes.</p>
	<p>On April 21, the market prices for the 16G/32G/64G iPads had stabilized on the &#8220;fleamarket&#8221; board at $620/$720/$820. Suppliers filled several pages worth of information. The place was like a busy bazaar. Some uninvolved people temporarily took up the Nurse trade and put their one or two iPads up for sale; some were used. A user named &#8220;fairprice&#8221; jokingly began selling call options for the following Monday. His post was shut for not being in compliance with exchange rules.</p>
	<p>A Nurse called &#8220;Igamble&#8221; posted a photo titled &#8220;stashing corner&#8221; to show the quantity of his iPads. Soon he was cornered by several big Superdoctors. They shoved him around ten thousand dollars in exchange for his entire stash. &#8220;Nurses set their sights too low. We&#8217;re not meant to make big money,&#8221; he lamented. He figured the price of the 64G iPad would eventually rise to $900. Because there were true visionaries on the board: in 2009, speculators drove the price of an $8 toy called the Zhu Zhu Pet to $45.</p>
	<p>But reality would soon show that the iPad was not to be another Zhu Zhu Pet. The price of the $499-MSRP 16G iPad reached a market peak at $620. After the weekend, Nurses and Superdoctors would be taking shipment of their iPad pre-orders placed ten days ago on Apple&#8217;s online store. Some Apple Stores were also getting new stock on April 20. Though not enough to sate the demand of all passing shoppers, it was sufficient to fill pre-orders. Of course, many of these pre-orders were made by professional Nurses. The most informed Superdoctors began limiting buy prices to $575/$675/$750 and putting up minimum quantity requirements.</p>
	<p>These hoarded iPads would then take a trip across the seas, going to markets where Apple had not officially released iPads. China is one of them.</p>
	<p>Chinese users got to know Apple products later than other markets. But since China has a prosperous gray market, they have found numerous ways to get them. By using a foreign credit card or iTunes points, they even got access to iTunes or AppStore. According to Apple&#8217;s official estimate, before Apple and China Unicom released the iPhone last year, there were already millions of people in China using this handset.</p>
	<p><img width="300px" style="float: left; margin: 0px 20px 0px 0px;" src="http://blog.foolsmountain.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/1471568157_1485d9e5221.jpg" alt="Mongkok electronics shops, Hong Kong"  />The Mong Kok district in Hong Kong is one of Asia&#8217;s largest redistribution points for gray market electronics. On April 20, iPads were the hot item, and every electronics stall had iPads on display. At Sin Tat Plaza, the price tag for 16G iPad was between HK$5000 to HK$5180 (about $644 to $667). This was a drop of HK$300 to HK$400 from a week before. As smugglers continue to carry their luggage into the mainland, the price may drop further still. Compared to Beijing, Shanghai, or Guangzhou, Hong Kong remains the best place to shop for gray market goods.</p>
	<p><img width="300px" style="float: right; margin: 0px 0px 0px 20px;" src="http://blog.foolsmountain.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/22211.jpg" alt="Luohu Customs, Shenzhen" />On the evening of April 21, at the Pacific Computer City in Shanghai&#8217;s Xujiahui district, Tang Yong was ready to sell a 32G iPad for 5800 Yuan ($853). A 16G iPad sold for 4800 Yuan ($706). The iPads coming into these markets arrive from the US in Hong Kong, make their way into Shenzhen via the Luohu Customs point, then flow into other cities. Since the customs clearing fee and the risk of being caught are low at Luohu, this is the frequently used entry-point for gray market electronics into China.</p>
	<p><img width="300px" style="float: left; margin: 0px 20px 0px 0px;" src="http://blog.foolsmountain.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/11949197860611.jpg" alt="Pacific Computer City, Shanghai" />Tang Yong makes about 100 Yuan from this 32G iPad. The 5800 Yuan sale price includes mark-ups for using the special purchasing channel, sales tax, cost of shipping, and customs clearing fees. Compared with his initial sales on April 10, his profit had already dropped by 100 Yuan per iPad from increasing competition.</p>
	<p>Tang Yong also has a store on <a href="http://search.taobao.com/search?q=ipad&amp;commend=all&amp;ssid=s5-e&amp;search_type=item&amp;atype=&amp;filterFineness=">TaoBao</a> (China&#8217;s eBay equivalent). Like many who flocked to ply the iPad trade on TaoBao, he made sure to write &#8220;Professional Overseas Orders&#8221; on his ads. In truth, these professional orders are filled by big and small Superdoctors on MITBBS.</p>
	<p>He is an avid Apple fan. His cellphone, notebook, are all from that company known for its closed-loop control. Several years ago he became Apple&#8217;s authorized reseller in China. He also sells iPhones and MacBooks at his store. But many Apple resellers are also selling gray market iPads behind the counter, because &#8220;everybody is.&#8221;</p>
	<p>On January 17, he waited all night for the iPad announcement. Just like he predicted, this little LED-backlit touch-screen wonder attracted the attention of many Apple customers who had bought from his store. Every day somebody called to ask about iPad&#8217;s release in China. Customers were already impatient by February. In the month afterwards, Tang Yong took paid orders from more than 30 customers. They all wanted the iPad.</p>
	<p>In the months since iPad&#8217;s announcement, TaoBao filled 70 pages worth of merchants taking orders. Initially, few products made it here. At a Zhongguancun brick-and-mortar store, a 16G iPad sold for 7000 Yuan ($1029) at one point. But a week later, as more supply arrived, the price quickly slid. Now, no matter on TaoBao or on MacHome, an Apple user forum, a 16G iPad has a stable price between 4500 Yuan and 4800 Yuan.</p>
	<p>There is another subtle point. Every distribution terminal like Tang Yong operates in a black box. When they import from Superdoctors, they get different prices and don&#8217;t know what others paid. They differ depending on the import quantity, reputation, and relationship with the Superdoctors. Tang Yong relies on his market experience and his own judgement to decide the price of import. In half a month, he personally sold about 20 iPads.</p>
	<p>&#8220;The future price is hard to say,&#8221; said Tang Yong. According to upstream sources, Apple may implement strict purchasing limits beginning May. It looks like Apple is bent on satisfying US demand first, and preventing the outflow of supplies from the US. It is pushing back the iPad release date for other countries beyond May.</p>
	<p>Before China Unicom&#8217;s iPhone entered the Chinese market, gray market iPhones had already taken half the market. The same story may play out with the iPad. At least Apple is quickening its pace by announcing the opening of 25 additional Apple Stores in China within two years. Unofficial sources also say that official iPads will be sold in China after May, in step with other markets.</p>
	<p>Apple needs to hurry now.</p>
	<p>(Tang Yong&#8217;s name has been changed)<br />
<em>Contact: liyang@1cbn.com</em>
</p>
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		<title>Opinion: the Foxconn Incident is a Reflection of the Growing Pains Associated with China&#8217;s Traditional Mode of Development</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/30/opinion-the-foxconn-incident-is-a-reflection-of-the-growing-pains-associated-with-chinas-traditional-mode-of-development/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/30/opinion-the-foxconn-incident-is-a-reflection-of-the-growing-pains-associated-with-chinas-traditional-mode-of-development/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 30 May 2010 15:19:54 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Allen</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Analysis]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[General]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Opinion]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economy]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[economic development]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[foreign reserve]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[foxconn suicides]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[trade imbalance]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7198</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	The following is a translation of an op-ed published published in China Review News.
	May 27, 2010 &#8211; Opinion: the Foxconn Incident is a Reflection of the Growing Pains Associated with China&#8217;s Traditional Mode of Development
	The recent spate of suicides at Foxconn in China has brought unprecedented attention to this major international manufacturing subcontractor of electronics [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />The following is a translation of <a href="http://mgb.chinareviewnews.com/doc/1013/3/5/9/101335935.html?coluid=7&amp;kindid=0&amp;docid=101335935&amp;mdate=0527182215" target="_blank">an op-ed</a> published published in China Review News.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">May 27, 2010 &#8211; Opinion: the Foxconn Incident is a Reflection of the Growing Pains Associated with China&#8217;s Traditional Mode of Development</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">The recent spate of suicides at Foxconn in China has brought unprecedented attention to this major international manufacturing subcontractor of electronics equipments.  While the causes of these suicides are inevitably complex,  the incidents are a general reflection of the stress the traditional mode of development has wrought on China&#8217;s society and provide a warning that change must be brought about soon.<span id="more-7198"></span></p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Foxconn employs some 80,000 in Mainland China.  In 2008, it exported products worth some U.S. $ 55.6 billion, representing about 3.9% of all exports from China.  Foxconn has ranked among the top 200 exporters in Mainland China for each of the last seven years.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Offering low cost, high quality electronics assembly manufacturing services, Foxconn has attracted clients from Nokia to Apple, who has come to rely on Foxconn to supply many of their most important products. Leveraging low-coast, reliable labor, Foxconn imports crucial components from abroad and assemble these components into products for export.  Foxconn&#8217;s operation represent in miniature the development model of Mainland China for the last several decades.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">As &#8220;the factory of the world,&#8221; China has become a major export platform used by most multinational corporations. Labor added export such as those from Foxconn represent some 50% of all  China&#8217;s export. While such exports have enabled China to become a major economy, it has also produced contentious trade surplus while placing China at the lowest rung in the global trade value chain.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Consider the experience of global best-seller iPad. Foxconn is the biggest supplier of the iPad. According to global market supply intelligence research iSuppli, the average cost of assembly in China of each iPad is about U.S. $11.2.  Given that the lowest priced version of the iPad cost U.S. $499, one can see that the assembly cost  is minuscule when compared to the overall value of iPad. For comparison, the component cost of each  iPad is estimated to be U.S. $219.35, still less than 1/2 of the total value Apple extracts from the end customer. The most costly component in the iPad is iPad&#8217;s much-raved 9.7 inch touch screen, supplied by Korean manufacturer LG, costing Apple some U.S. $95 per screen.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">From the iPad example, one can see multinational branded companies such as Apple reaps by far the biggest share of the profit. Manufacturers of innovative products such as LG also reap a decent amount of profit. The profit made by operations in China, by comparison, is minuscule. To add insult to injury, in providing such low-cost services, China has to sustain the indignation of taking the blame for its trade surplus. Because of the thin profit margins inherent in Chinese operations, the only way for these operations to make a decent profit is through cost control. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that employees feel stress, high demands are placed on laborers, and pay and benefits are reduced to the lowest amount possible.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Subcontracting, export-led economy can increase industrial activities but not create new brands or new technology; it can increase GDP and trade surplus but not generate wealth; it can create jobs but not generate substantive increases in incomes and standards of lives for the working people.  The present model of economic development has brought on resource deficiency and trade frictions. The recent global financial crisis has also has shown that this model of development is unstable, and make us too dependent on foreign markets.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">The rash of suicides represent only the tip of ice berg in terms of the ravages the current mode of development has brought onto the Chinese society. It is time for change &#8211; fast. Last year, China overtook Germany as the largest exporting economy.  This year, China is set to overtake Japan as the second largest economy. But if Germany has Mercedes-Benz, BMW, and Japan has Toyota, Sony, what does China have? Where are the world-class brands and companies?</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">When China first reformed and opened up, China&#8217;s economy was still in a very backward state.  It made sense then to focus on economic growth as a top priority. But while growth did make China strong in many ways, it has also caused China to build a huge trade surplus as well as gigantic foreign reserve.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Internally, while the single minded leap toward economic development has pulled many out of poverty, it has also created traumatic stress and shock throughout society. Today&#8217;s pace of change is not sustainable. There is a fundamental disconnect between people&#8217;s ever growing expectation of increasing material wealth and what can be sustainably provided by our economy.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">Today, China&#8217;s economic growth is still based on a &#8220;demand-driven model&#8221; and not an &#8220;innovation-driven model.&#8221; Our economy consumes a lot of resources, but creates little in terms of technological innovation. Our growth may be a strength of our economy, but it has given the laborers little.  Between 1993-2007, the share of earnings by laborers as a percentage of GDP dropped from 49.49% to 39.74%.  That drop was worse between 2000-2008, when earnings dropped 11.7% as a percentage of GDP.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">In order to improve the situation, we need to change the model of economic development. And the key change to pursue is to increase our own ability to innovate. Our ability to improve the mixture of our industrial production depends on our ability to innovate. Our abilities to improve the way we industrialize, to develop technological and scientific know-how, and to grow emerging industries depend on our ability to innovate. Our abilities to build defensible brands and to become more competitive in the global marketplace also depend on our ability to innovate.</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">This is not to say change will be easy.  But it is only through such changes that we as a society can climb out of the predicament  that the Foxconn incidents symbolize. As Commentator Li of Shen Zhen News Broadcast has observed, &#8220;we hope Foxconn will take appropriate measures to rectify immediate dangers facing its employees, take this opportunity to transform its work environment, improvement management, and raise the bar of development for everyone going forward.&#8221;</p>
	<p style="padding-left: 30px;">We should emphasize that embarking on this new model of development going forward depends on growing our ability to innovate &#8211; including the ability to develop indigenous technological innovations. A key ingredient to doing that is to strengthen the creation, protection and enforcement of intellectual property. The central government has set 2020 as the date China becomes an innovation-based economy. There is not a lot of time left, but much to accomplish.</p>
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			<wfw:commentRss>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/30/opinion-the-foxconn-incident-is-a-reflection-of-the-growing-pains-associated-with-chinas-traditional-mode-of-development/feed/</wfw:commentRss>
		<slash:comments>6</slash:comments>
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		<title>China: Responsible Stakeholder, Stakeholder, or World Leader?</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/28/china-responsible-stakeholder-stakeholder-or-world-leader/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/28/china-responsible-stakeholder-stakeholder-or-world-leader/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Fri, 28 May 2010 22:57:39 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Legalist</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[-mini-posts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[leadership]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7193</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	Robert Zoellick, former US deputy secretary of state and current World Bank chief, coined a role for China, responsible stakeholder. It was obviously self-serving because the US wanted to retain the right to judge who was responsible and who was not.
	China clearly didn&#8217;t pick the role up although there are still commentators who say China [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />Robert Zoellick, former US deputy secretary of state and current World Bank chief, coined a role for China, responsible stakeholder. It was obviously self-serving because the US wanted to retain the right to judge who was responsible and who was not.</p>
	<p>China clearly didn&#8217;t pick the role up although there are still commentators who say China should do this or that if it is to be a responsible stakeholder.</p>
	<p>Furthermore, China doesn&#8217;t seem to like the descriptor of stakeholder either. It&#8217;s such a neutral term, one doesn&#8217;t know what it means anyway.</p>
	<p>Instead, China should strive to be a world leader. Like it or not, or exercise it or not, China&#8217;s influences on the global economy, energy, environment and security are growing.</p>
	<p>China needs to sit at the top table setting rules and enforcing them accordingly for the sake of global prosperity and security. The annual US-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue is a good start.</p>
	<p>China can&#8217;t claim to be a poor or third-world country for inaction anymore. Many in the world are looking to China for leadership.
</p>
<p>This post was submitted by Legalist.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<slash:comments>7</slash:comments>
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		<title>Should China Ensure Order In Its Neighborhood?</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/27/should-china-ensure-order-in-its-neighborhood/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/27/should-china-ensure-order-in-its-neighborhood/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 27 May 2010 14:08:43 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Legalist</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[-mini-posts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[China]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Korea]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Military Conflict]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7186</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	War talks are in the air on the Korean peninsula. North Korea sank South Korea&#8217;s warship Cheonan. South Korea retaliated by imposing various sanctions on the North. The North responded by imposing its own sanctions on the South.
	War can easily happen, by accident or design. South Koreans are nervous. Americans are nervous. Japanese are nervous. And [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />War talks are in the air on the Korean peninsula. North Korea sank South Korea&#8217;s warship Cheonan. South Korea retaliated by imposing various sanctions on the North. The North responded by imposing its own sanctions on the South.</p>
	<p>War can easily happen, by accident or design. South Koreans are nervous. Americans are nervous. Japanese are nervous. And others are nervous, too. Everyone is looking to China to bring the North Koreans to their sense.<br />
<span id="more-7186"></span><br />
China has many reasons to be hesitant. The American-South Korean military alliance is as much against China as against North Korea. Then, if North Korea collapses under pressure, refugees will flood northeast China. Finally, American troops would come to Chinese border.</p>
	<p>If China doesn&#8217;t get involved, the tension between the North and South will escalate. Willing or not, China must get involved.</p>
	<p>But in order to win domestic support, China must clearly articulate its policies opposing any military conflicts between its neighbors, any third country using force against its neighbors, any foreign military bases stationing in the territories of its neighbors and any military alliances in its neighborhood without being included as a member.</p>
	<p>I think only when such clear policies are in place, would the Chinese domestic oppinion support a more involvement or cooperative policy on the Korean peninsula and elsewhere.
</p>
<p>This post was submitted by Legalist.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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		<slash:comments>122</slash:comments>
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		<title>Parents shocked at arrest of student over &#8216;terrorist threat&#8217;</title>
		<link>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/26/parents-shocked-at-arrest-of-student-over-terrorist-threat/</link>
		<comments>http://blog.foolsmountain.com/2010/05/26/parents-shocked-at-arrest-of-student-over-terrorist-threat/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 26 May 2010 22:37:50 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Bill</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[-mini-posts]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[News]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[racial discrimination]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Stevens Institute of Technology]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[terrorist]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://blog.foolsmountain.com/?p=7174</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[	Bi Yantao&#8217;s Note: The incident that happened to Tiantian Zhai has caused a stir in China&#8217;s media and blogsphere. Frankly, many people here in China are surprised. How on earth does US define the freedom of speech? All comments are warmly welcome, and I will introduce your insights to China.
	China Daily
May 25, 2010
	XI’AN/WASHINGTON — Zhai [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[	<p id="top" />Bi Yantao&#8217;s Note: The incident that happened to Tiantian Zhai has caused a stir in China&#8217;s media and blogsphere. Frankly, many people here in China are surprised. How on earth does US define the freedom of speech? All comments are warmly welcome, and I will introduce your insights to China.</p>
	<p>China Daily<br />
May 25, 2010</p>
	<p>XI’AN/WASHINGTON — Zhai Taishan, the father of a Chinese doctoral degree student in New Jersey accused by US police of attempted arson and making threats, flew from Xi’an, Shaanxi province, to Beijing on Monday night, seeking help from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.</p>
	<p>“I will never believe that my son is a terrorist,” Zhai said.<br />
<span id="more-7174"></span><br />
His son, Zhai Tiantian, studied at the Stevens Institute of Technology in Hoboken, New Jersey, before he was arrested by police on April 16. Police allege he tried to set fire to a campus building after threatening to get revenge on a professor who gave him a low mark.</p>
	<p>The indictment statement said the incident was treated as a “terrorist threat.”<br />
Zhai Tiantian, 27, however, denied that he had any plans to commit arson.</p>
	<p>The Stevens Institute canceled Zhai Tiantian’s student visa the day he was arrested and the next day the US Immigration and Naturalization Services ordered his arrest. The following day the immigration authorities issued a deportation order for Zhai Tianian.</p>
	<p>“Zhai’s behavior over a period of months and involving numerous individuals, was deemed to represent a threat to the well being of others. The suspension has nothing to do with conflict or difference of opinion with academic faculty, as some reports have stated erroneously,” university spokespeople said in a statement to China Daily.</p>
	<p>“On April 15, Zhai (Tiantian) was arrested after threatening to burn to the ground a University building.  Police determined that the threat was credible and took appropriate action,” said the spokespeople.</p>
	<p>They added that the school suspended Zhai Tiantian after a thorough investigation but would not go into detail, saying that “disciplinary actions are confidential and Stevens cannot comment on specific violations”.</p>
	<p>Zhai Tiantian is being held in the Hudson County jail in New York state.<br />
He was born in Xi’an and went to study in the US in 2003. </p>
	<p>Zhai Tiantian’s mother, Wang Xiaojun, said she received a phone call at her home in Xi’an from one of her son’s schoolmates early on May 10, who told her that her son was in jail.</p>
	<p>“My friend was a bit brash in his quarrel with the professor, but he told me that he absolutely did not say anything about setting fire to the school,” said a classmate surnamed Wang.  </p>
	<p>According to Wang, Zhai Tiantian is a top student who maintains good relations with his fellow students, adding she does not understand how he could be considered a terrorist.</p>
	<p>Zhai Taishan said he and Wang could not believe the news after receiving the phone call from the US and we so incredulous that they tried to contact friends in the US to confirm it.   </p>
	<p>“We felt so disappointed when we got confirmation from a story in the US China Press (a Chinese newspaper published in the US),” Zhai Taishan told China Daily on Monday.</p>
	<p>The US China Press reported on May 20 that Zhai Tiantian said something about getting revenge to his professor and the professor later called the campus police. They arrested Zhai Tiantian and turned him over to the New Jersey police.  Zhai is reportedly unable to raise the $20,000 bail.</p>
	<p>Hai Ming, Zhai Tiantian’s lawyer, told the US China Press that America is a nation with freedom of speech and that people cannot be convicted on the basis of what they think or say. </p>
	<p>The case is being mishandled, Hai said.</p>
	<p>Zhai Tiantian has two lawyers, a government-appointed one for the criminal charge and Hai to handle the immigration case.  The outcome of the criminal case will ultimately determine whether Zhai Tiantian will be sent back to China.  If convicted, he might not be allowed to stay in the US.</p>
	<p>The lawyer said that before the dispute, Zhai Tiantian expressed dissatisfaction with the institute in a television interview in which he said he wanted to sue the school for racial discrimination. </p>
	<p>“This may be the real reason why the school is dealing with him this way,” Hai alleged.</p>
	<p>Luo Gang, the overseas Chinese affairs consul with the Chinese Consulate-General in New York, said he has handled similar cases in which Chinese students had verbal clashes with others.  </p>
	<p>“Chinese and American cultures are different, so what the Chinese regard as acceptable remarks may be deemed by Americans as threats. This is an unfortunate incident,” Luo said.  </p>
	<p>“The case is in the judicial phase and we can only hope the lawyers will be able to help him,” added Luo. </p>
	<p>Zhang Xingfan, vice-president of the Shaanxi Chamber of Commerce in the US, made a phone call to Zhai Taishan on Sunday after learning the news, saying he would be happy to provide assistance to the family. </p>
	<p>“We were shocked by the news and will pay attention to the progress of the case. As fellow Shaanxi people, we will offer any possible help to the student,” Zhang said.</p>
<p>This post was submitted by Bill.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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