(To be translated) 萧瀚：关于“零八***宪***章”
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http://nickwong2.blogspot.com/2008/12/blog-post_15.html
（转贴）萧瀚：关于“零八***宪***章”
注：转贴此文，并不代表本人完全同意（或想清楚）原作者的所有观点，初衷在于想表明，人们除了简单地对“零八***宪***章”予以支持或者反对，以及对当局无理逮捕、骚扰、恐吓公开声明签署人表示强烈抗议之外，应该鼓励有识之士对声明具体内容进行更深层次的思考、讨论并完善，特别是对同一思想阵营内理性的不同意见更应该重视。此外亦有收藏备份之意（我估计萧瀚先生此篇博客多半会被新浪删除）。
还有一点感想就是，任何一个公开信或公开声明活动，其象征意义永远大于实际意义，当政者更是会想成“这帮别有用心的反动分子终于要行动了”，所以无论是宪章签署者或者萧瀚君的理性意见恐怕都得不到中共的善意回应，只会一律加以钳制，这正是目前中国政局的无望之处。如果说宪章起草人某些论点的眼光未必超得过袁世凯，我觉得当政者中的死硬派对于政改的看法未必超得过秦始皇。
（下文转自萧瀚博客）
忧思录之十一：关于“零八***宪***章”
萧瀚
1. 政府以涉嫌颠覆国家政权罪刑事拘留了“零八宪章”的起草人刘****晓****波先生，传唤了推动此事的另一位重要人物张***祖***桦先生，我认为这样做是违法的，因为对国家大事发表意见，这是每个公民的基本权利，起草人也好，其他签名者也罢，都没有用任何不正当手段去做推翻现政权的行为，只是呼吁现政权下定决心进行宪政改革，与颠覆国家政权完全不沾边。
2.为此，我呼吁中共政府尽快释放刘***晓***波先生，归还从刘、张两位先生家里抄走的物品，并且借此机会广开言路，让社会各界人士参与到共商国事的讨论中来。
3.“零八***宪***章”是一份关于未来中国政治生活的宏观愿景，相对于以前的任何一份重要倡议书，它都显示出更为理性、平和、富有建设性，是事关未来中国大局的一份重要文件，在此谨向倡议者、执笔人以及每一位参与签名者致以崇高的敬意。
4.“零八***宪***章”所表达的宪政民主法治理念，我完全赞同，但在现有形势下，其可操作性等于零。
5.不管人们是否承认，联署签名“零八***宪***章”是一个政治行动，既然是政治行动，就应该考虑它在社会各界最大程度的可被接受性。
6.可以想见，居于被统治状态的人们，包括我在内，都会赞成“零八宪章”的理念和所有保护人权的具体措施。
7.但是这份宪章最重要的是要解决一个一定程度上具有决定性意义的问题，即如何让中国共产党接受其中的所有观点。
8.宪***章显然没有考虑这个问题，几乎完全没有考虑这个问题——换句话说，它完全没有考虑执政者是否能够接受这样一份建议。
9.从历史的角度看，中国这次宪政转型，只是在辛亥革命基础上实现共和国理想的最后努力，从中华民国到中共建政，这只是未完成或者说被强行改变了航道的辛亥革命的继续，而现在我们要将这被改变的航道改回到它该驶向的方向。
10. 辛亥革命的主要国父是两位，一位是孙中山，还有一位是袁世凯，以前人们总是将袁世凯打入冷宫，剥夺他作为中华民国国父之一的身份，这是一种道德中心主义观念下的偏见，而不是政治上的公允之论。如果没有孙袁双方互有妥协的谈判及其成功，请告诉我中华民国自何而来？就靠南方革命党的国库里那几块钱，能打赢政府军？即使筹集到银两巨万，革命党打赢了这场战争，那又得死多少人？因此，无论从哪个意义上，我们都要感谢孙袁两位为基本和平的宪政破航做出的贡献。袁世凯后来想当皇帝不得而死，那是以后的事，至少在1911年，他是新国家的创立者之一。
11.中国未来的政治道路，应该是在和平推动中完成宪政改革，共产党必定是其中的重要力量，甚至是最重要的力量。因此，不能把共产党当作敌人看待 ——无论名义上，还是具体措施的操作上，都不能，而目前的宪章，其措施如果全部实行，那么共产党必然就成为了中国全体国民的敌人（虽然宪章本无此意）。要求共产党经过改革把自己改造成沦为阶下囚的国家之敌，共产党能答应吗？
12.极权政治存在的一大基础就是它需要敌人，无时无刻地需要敌人，而目前这份宪章的具体建议等于是给他们树立了一个敌人，这对于他们而言，不是削弱了他们的极权力量，而是暂时地增强了他们的极权力量——虽然从长远看当然是削弱他们力量的。
13.中国未来的宪政改革必须是没有敌人的政治，是一种仁者无敌——仁愛者没有敌人——的政治，政治就是事关公共生活，于内政是增进全体国民共同利益，于外交则是争取国家利益的制度以及治理方法。
14.这份文件的最大缺陷，在于完全没有考虑在现有制度框架下，宪政成功转型的成本是什么，天下没有免费的午餐，在当前共产党掌握所有国家主要资源的局势下，让他们主动放弃利益而走向公权力受宪政制度约束的政治，凭什么？
15. 凭三条，第一条，再这样治理下去，共产党统治会导致烽烟四起、天下大乱、民不聊生、朝不保夕的日常生活，共产党会和这个国家的人民处在绝对对立的死胡同里；第二条，只有结束这样的治理方式才能挽救中国、挽救中国共产党；第三条，结束这一过程，需要给共产党及其重要成员一些基本承诺。
16. 清帝退位的原因是两个：第一个是在辛亥革命之后，袁世凯对清王室的连哄带吓，第二个原因是民国政府给出的《优待清室条例》——和平新建政权是要代价的。
17.过了将近一百年，中国人的政治眼光应该高于清末，而不是连清末都不如，但这份零八***宪***章的政治水平却不及清末孙袁。
18.中国未来的政治，如果要走和平转型的道路，在理念上必须彻底抛弃敌我思路，要将中国共产党作为改革的同盟者——甚至改革主力对待。
19.由于中国共产党在过去将近60年里，无论有意还是无意，都给中国人民造成了无穷灾难，而且迄今依然手握大权，如果宪政的和平改革不能给他们起码的制度性宽恕方案，要让共产党来革自己的命，无异于痴人说梦。
20. 要使得共产党成为和平宪政改革的同盟者甚至主要改革者，必须要有一批“污点国父”——他们可能在这个体制内获得了巨大的不义之财和地位，但是只要他们愿意主导或者推动宪政的和平改革，除了应该将他们及其家族的财富按照一定比例退还国库，其他一概既往不咎，并且保护他们及其家族的一切安全，使得他们在此基础上成为与广大无罪国民权利平等的公民，如果他们成为国家重要领导人的，以后卸任了也绝不秋后算账。上述政策应该也是针对其他一切共产党官员的做法。
21.没有上述制度性宽恕政策，将会导致共产党与人民斗个鱼死网破，而最后的结果到底是什么，我们并不知道——但无论如何，一旦出现那种情况，必将又是暴力、血腥的过程，我们还需要这样一种不知后果是什么、却是谁都不想要的过程吗？
22. 要平稳走向宪政深水，首先得试水，如何试水？共产党与社会各界共同拟定一份“过渡期宪政方案”，主要内容至少应该包括但不限于：1共产党继续执政，确定具体年限；2全面实行三权分立的公权力监督模式，正常发挥议会、行政和司法保护公民权的功能；3允许结社自由，因此而成立的政党，除了在过渡期内不能进行执政竞选，其他一切符合良法的活动都可以开展；4全面保护原宪法所承认的公民权利；5增补并保护原未被承认的公民权利；6军队国家化，不得介入内政；7拟定对将近60年来共产党过往问题的调查、审判、赦免程序与制度性宽恕方案，并且保证过渡期之后将来的其他执政党绝不出尔反尔；8过渡期结束之后如果多党竞选的条件还不成熟，那么应该由议会讨论决定是否延长过渡期年限。这些具体方案都是宪法性文件，具有各界不可凌越的法律地位。
23.上述只是我的一个简要思考，具体方案，一定得社会各界人士集思广益，至少这些问题都应该进入公开、和平与理性的讨论阶段。
2008年12月13日於追遠堂
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January 14th, 2009 at 9:14 am
[Admin feel free to edit further]
Regarding 08 Charter
by Shao Han
1. The government detained author of “08 Charter”, Liu Xiaobo, on suspicion of subverting the state’s authority, summoned another key person, Zhang Zhuhua. I feel this is illegal, because it is every citizen’s fundamental right to voice opinion on issues of national importance. Neither the authors nor the singers conspired to overthrow the authority, only to urge the authority to reform. Subversion is in no way implicated.
2. Therefore, I call on the authority to speedily release of Mr. Liu Xiaobo, return confiscated properties, and take this opportunity to open dialogue, allow people to consult on the affairs of our nation.
3. “08 Charter” is a historical document with a grand view on China’s political future. It is rational, peaceful, constructive, and important to the future of Chinese government. I would like to offer my highest praise to the authors and signers.
4. I agree with 08 Charter’s constitutional and democratic theory fully, however under current states, its feasibility is zero.
5. Regardless if the signers of “08 Charter” see this as a political movement, its acceptance as a political movement by the society should be considered.
6. It’s reasonable to see, people under [the CCP’s] rule, including myself, would agree with O8 Charter’s ideals and implements in protecting human rights.
7. However the Charter’s most important mandate is to solve problems on a decisive, meaningful level. That is, how to make the CCP accept its views.
8. It’s obvsious the Charter did not consider this – in another word it absolutely did not consider if the authority could accept advice like this.
9. From a historical view, China’s current political transformation is the final push of 1911 Revolution. From Republic of China to communist rule they are unfinished business, or change of course, from the 1911 Revolution. And now we want to change the course back to where it should be headed.
10. The 1911 Revolution has two founding fathers. One is Sun Yatsen, the other is Yuan Shikai. People have always downplayed Yuan’s role as a founding father of the Republic of China. This is an objective bias based on morality, not an accepted political discussion. Had there not been cooperation and negotiation between Sun and Yuan bringing about success, where would have Republic of China been? Southern Revolution Party’s coffer only had a few dollars, could it have beaten the court troops? Even if it the Revolution Party amassed a large war chest and wins the battle, how many would have died? So, regardless of how one feels, we should thank both Sun and Yuan for their contribution in building a foundation for peaceful constitutional rule. Yuan Shikai wanted to be the emperor and died trying, was after the fact. At least in 1911, he was one of the founding fathers.
11. China’s political future should be peacefully complete constitutional reform, and the CCP must be a central force, even the most important force. Therefore, the CCP can not be treated as an enemy – in name or in practice. The Charter as is, if implemented, will make the CCP an enemy of all Chinese citizens (although the Charter did not intend for this). Would the CCP agree to the demand to reform by transforming itself into an enemy of the state?
12. Authoritarian rule’s foundation is it needs enemy, at all times. Right now the Charter’s advice served the purpose of creating an enemy. They see this as not diminishing their authority, but temporarily strengthened their authority – but in the long run of course it diminishes their authority.
13. China’s future constitutional rule must be without an enemy – benevolent politics without enemy. Politics should be part of public life, inwardly govern to benefit all citizens, outwardly govern to obtain national interest.
14. This document’s biggest flaw is it neglected to consider what would completion of constitutional rule look like under current system and framework. There’s no free lunch; right now the CCP controls the government, why would they give up the benefit and move towards public governance under the constraint of constitutional rule? By what rationale?
15. Perhaps these three: 1) If continues, CCP rule will destabilize, create chaos, people will die, sovereignty will weaken; the CCP lives and dies with the people. 2) Only by bringing an end to this mode of governance will China, and the CCP, be saves. 3) The process to bring this to an end requires some fundamental promise to the CCP and its leadership.
16. Two reasons led to the abdication of Qing Court: one is after the 1911 revolution, Yuan Shikai coerced the Qing Court, second is the republican government granted preferential legislative treatment for the monarchy – the price for peacefully bring about constitutional rule.
17. After nearly a hundred years, Chinese people’s political acumen should be better than during end of Qing dynasty, not worse. But this 08 Charter’s political competency is lower than Sun Yuan period.
18. China’s political future, if to choose the path of peaceful transformation, principles based on adversarial relationship need to be abandoned. The CCP should be seen as an ally in reform – even as a leader in reform.
19. In the lat 60 years the CCP, intentionally or unintentionally, brought the Chinese people countless catastrophes, and today it still holds onto power. If peaceful reform does not provide a formulation with certain amount of forgiveness but demand they end their own lives, is tantamount to the dream of a simpleton.
20. For the CCP to become an ally, even a leader, in peaceful constitutional reform, there needs to be some “stained founding fathers” – perhaps they have received large ill-gotten gains, but as long as they agree to promote peaceful constitutional reform, besides returning some portions of their family fortune to the national coffer, everything else is forgiven. And they and their clan’s safety are protected, allowing them to become innocent citizens equal under the law. If they are national leaders, after their terms end the book will be closed. Above policy is aimed towards the CCP leadership.
21. Without the above policy of forgiveness, the CCP and the people will fight to mutual defeat, with end result we can not predict – no matter what, those scenarios will invariably lead to violence and bloodshed. Do we really need and end no one can predict, thru means no one wishes for?
22. To tred the water with stability, first we must test the water. How to test the water? Have the CCP formulate “transitional constitutional rule legislation”, not limited to these provisions: 1) the CCP continues to govern, with term limits; 2) implement separation of powers with oversight; 3) allow freedom of association, to form political party. With the exception of compete in elections, all legal activity are allowed; 4) protect existing provisions in the Constitution; 5) include and protect additional civil rights; 6) nationalize the military, remove party influence; 7) confirm amnesty and forgiveness for CCP’s past 60 years, ensure this will not be reversed by other political parties in the future; 8) Extend, by conference, the transitional governance period, if multiple party elections are not mature. These policies should be established constitutionally.
23. These are just my simple thoughts. Society at large should be consulted on policy; at least problems should be publically, peacefully, rationally discussed.
January 14th, 2009 at 10:49 am
The author set up at least 1-2 centuries social unrest, political turmoil, endless infighting for China. China hopefully will come out of this as 10 different countries without anybloodshed. Human can only live once on this planet, you know?
Thanks, Shao Han. I understand the charter even better now.
January 14th, 2009 at 1:36 pm
Great work, Charles!